US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 15, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 15, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 15, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 15, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 15, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 15, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 15, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 15, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 15, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 15, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 15, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 15, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 15, 2026.
Com › cih815 › 223707867596멕시코시티의 핵심 방문지인 과달루페 성모 성당 네이버 블로그. 수능 내 전 과목을 통틀어 온라인 수강생 수 1위인 강사이다. 수능 내 전 과목을 통틀어 온라인 수강생 수 1위인 강사이다. 이에 대해 과달루페 외방 선교회 소속의 마요한 신부는 다음과 같이 반박하였다.
과달루페guadalupe는 스페인, 멕시코 등지의 세계 여러 지방의 지명이다.. 수능 내 전 과목을 통틀어 온라인 수강생 수 1위인 강사이다.. 그리고 스페인 교회가 꾸며냈다면 왜 자국의 주교가 처음에 발현을 의심했다고 했겠는가.. 정복자들이 태양신을 섬기던 피라미드 신전 등을 파괴하자 큰 혼란에 빠졌다..판사의 생활이 하루만에 힘들어진 그는 형사 재판말고 민사재판으로 넘어가기로 하고 잠을 잔다, 과달루페 오르티즈는 스페인의 마드리드에서 1916년 12월 12일 출생했습니다. 멕시코와 미 대륙의 수호성인으로 간주되며, 과달루페 성모님은 세계에서 가장 널리 숭배되는 종교적 상징 중 하나로, 매년 12월 12일 멕시코와 미국에서 기념됩니다. 판사의 생활이 하루만에 힘들어진 그는 형사 재판말고 민사재판으로 넘어가기로 하고 잠을 잔다, 또한 모든 객실에는 주방, 11 개의 욕실.
Com › cih815 › 223707867596멕시코시티의 핵심 방문지인 과달루페 성모 성당 네이버 블로그. 과달루페guadalupe는 스페인, 멕시코 등지의 세계 여러 지방의 지명이다, 또한, 이 별장에서는 주차 이용이 무료이며 아침 식사, 세탁 서비스도 이용 가능합니다, Guadalupe valdez san pedro b, 발레 데 과달루페의 아시엔다 발데즈 후기, 가격, 위치.
모든 행사에 맞는 신선한 꽃다발과 선물을 아르카부즈, 멕시코 어디든지 경쟁력 있는 가격으로 배달합니다. 성모님께서는 아주 아름다운 젊은 여성의 모습을 하고 계셨으며, 그 당시 멕시코의 원주민처럼 거무스름한 피부를 가지고 있었으며, 머리카락은 짙은 검은색이였다고 합니다, 정복자들이 태양신을 섬기던 피라미드 신전 등을 파괴하자 큰 혼란에 빠졌다.
과달루페 피네다1955년 멕시코 과달라하라 출생_ historia de un amor 작곡_ 1955년 파나마 작곡가 카를로스 알마란.. 파르케 라 호야에서 매우 가깝다는 지리적 이점도 있어요.. 후안 디에고의 증언은 스페인어가 아니라 인디언들의 언어로 채록됐다..
파티마의 성모에 해당하는 가톨릭 신자인 과달루페의 성모가 멕시코를 움직이고 움직입니다. 이에 대해 과달루페 외방 선교회 소속의 마요한 신부는 다음과 같이 반박하였다. 그 충실한 사람들은 아메리카 대륙의 후원자에게 그들의 믿음의 증거를. 이란의 영재교육기관 소속의 테헤란 파르자네간 학교를 다니던 그녀는 1994년에 국제 수학 read more, 과달루페 오르티즈는 스페인의 마드리드에서 1916년 12월 12일 출생했습니다, 모든 행사에 맞는 신선한 꽃다발과 선물을 아르카부즈, 멕시코 어디든지 경쟁력 있는 가격으로 배달합니다.
Com › cih815 › 223707867596멕시코시티의 핵심 방문지인 과달루페 성모 성당 네이버 블로그, 성모는 우상숭배의 어둠과 정복자들의 폭력으로부터 라틴아메리카를 보호하고자 하셨다. 이란의 영재교육기관 소속의 테헤란 파르자네간 학교를 다니던 그녀는 1994년에 국제 수학 read more. Com › 224과달루페 성모님은 어떻게 멕시코의 수호성인이 되었을까요.
수능 내 전 과목을 통틀어 온라인 수강생 수 1위인 강사이다, Valdes research explores many of the issues of bilingualism relevant to teachers in training, including methods of instruction, typologies, measurement of read more, Valdes research explores many of the issues of bilingualism relevant to teachers in training, including methods of instruction, typologies, measurement of progress, and the role of education in national policies on immigration. 발레 데 과달루페의 아시엔다 발데즈 후기, 가격, 위치, Com › 21엘로사리움 성물방 멕시코에서 발현하신.
가톨릭으로서 신앙생활을 이끌어 갈수 있게 해주신 신부님이 계시는데, 모태신앙도 아니고 30대 초반 느즈. 과달루페성모 마리아 발현지 top3 파티마 vs 루르드 vs 과달루페, 늦은 체크인의 경우 제한된 시간 동안 가능합니다, 발데즈 코스 빙하 파노라마 5박6일전, 다음날, 우진이는 민사 재판을 맡게 되었다. 그때부터 과달루페 성모를 통해 기적과 치유가 이어졌다. 첫 재판은 문과 1등급이 이과 read more.
910 뛰어난 강의력과 교재 퀄리티, read more, 이에 대해 과달루페 외방 선교회 소속의 마요한 신부는 다음과 같이 반박하였다. 그 충실한 사람들은 아메리카 대륙의 후원자에게 그들의 믿음의 증거를, 첫 재판은 문과 1등급이 이과 read more.
팟퐁 디시 그리고 스페인 교회가 꾸며냈다면 왜 자국의 주교가 처음에 발현을 의심했다고 했겠는가. 또한, 이 별장에서는 주차 이용이 무료이며 아침 식사, 세탁 서비스도 이용 가능합니다. 생애편집 1786년 두랑고 주 타마술라 데빅토리아에서 태어났다. 모든 행사에 맞는 신선한 꽃다발과 선물을 아르카부즈, 멕시코 어디든지 경쟁력 있는 가격으로 배달합니다. 성모님께서는 아주 아름다운 젊은 여성의 모습을 하고 계셨으며, 그 당시 멕시코의 원주민처럼 거무스름한 피부를 가지고 있었으며, 머리카락은 짙은 검은색이였다고 합니다. 폰헙,
패트리온 무료로 보는 사이트 디시 Com › 21엘로사리움 성물방 멕시코에서 발현하신. Com › cih815 › 223707867596멕시코시티의 핵심 방문지인 과달루페 성모 성당 네이버 블로그. 파르케 라 호야에서 매우 가깝다는 지리적 이점도 있어요. 주로 스페인어, 포르투갈어 사용 지역에 많으나 영어권인 필리핀과 미국. 과달루페 성모 발현지 basílica de guadalupe 안녕하세요, 클라라입니다. 포켓몬 za 야짤
포터남 얼굴 Mexico city, 22 september 1957 is a dominican republic politician. 멕시코와 미 대륙의 수호성인으로 간주되며, 과달루페 성모님은 세계에서 가장 널리 숭배되는 종교적 상징 중 하나로, 매년 12월 12일 멕시코와 미국에서 기념됩니다. 또한, 이 별장에서는 주차 이용이 무료이며 아침 식사, 세탁 서비스도 이용 가능합니다. 가톨릭으로서 신앙생활을 이끌어 갈수 있게 해주신 신부님이 계시는데, 모태신앙도 아니고 30대 초반 느즈. 개요편집 멕시코의 독립운동가, 군인이자 초대 대통령. 포터남 모자 풋딸녀
폭시은애 모든 행사에 맞는 신선한 꽃다발과 선물을 아르카부즈, 멕시코 어디든지 경쟁력 있는 가격으로 배달합니다. 이란 제국의 테헤란에서 전기기사의 딸로 태어났다. 가톨릭으로서 신앙생활을 이끌어 갈수 있게 해주신 신부님이 계시는데, 모태신앙도 아니고 30대 초반 느즈. 그리고 스페인 교회가 꾸며냈다면 왜 자국의 주교가 처음에 발현을 의심했다고 했겠는가. 체크인 시작 시간은 1400이며, 체크인 종료 시간은 2000입니다.
포터남 차간단 Valdes research explores many of the issues of bilingualism relevant to teachers in training, including methods of instruction, typologies, measurement of read more. 후안 디에고의 증언은 스페인어가 아니라 인디언들의 언어로 채록됐다. 파르케 라 호야에서 매우 가깝다는 지리적 이점도 있어요. 과달루페 오르티즈는 스페인의 마드리드에서 1916년 12월 12일 출생했습니다. 정복자들이 태양신을 섬기던 피라미드 신전 등을 파괴하자 큰 혼란에 빠졌다.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 15, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 15, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 15, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 15, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
성모님께서는 아주 아름다운 젊은 여성의 모습을 하고 계셨으며, 그 당시 멕시코의 원주민처럼 거무스름한 피부를 가지고 있었으며, 머리카락은 짙은 검은색이였다고 합니다., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.