그분이 예수님인줄 모른 그녀는 참 짜증이 났었을 것 같아요.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

현재는 찬양사역자로 섬기시고 목사안수도 받으셨습니다. 하지만 신앙생활과 목회 사역을 통해 점차 트라우마에서 벗어나 자유로워졌다고 고백했는데요. 인스타그램 댓글 혹은 유튜브 댓글에 받으신 은혜와 간증을 남겨주세요 만나교회 인스타. 2021 다니엘기도회 때 처음으로 나비워십을 알았다.

이 목사는 적과 아군은 구분해야 한다.

Com › sunshinept › 223072708421새롭게 하소서 우미쉘 목사님 피해의식 열등감에 사로 잡혔던 그.. Kr › 섬기는사람들 › 우미쉘manna.. 당시 받은 찬양의 감동을 요약해서 전해드립니다..

우 미쉘 목사는 청년 시절을, 10대의 마지막 20대 초중반을 우울감에 시달리며 허비해 버린 것 같다고 회상한다.

Com › 589우미쉘 목사 찬양집회 전국을 돌며 수치스러운 과거를 거리낌 없이. 일련의 사건들에서 사모측과 우 목사측이 크고 작은 충돌을 거듭하며, 갈등이 생겼고, 급기야 은성국제선교회 로의 재산 이전을 두고 완전한 대립각을 이루게 된다. 인생은 원래 그런 것이지만, 그 당시 트라우마가 얼마나 컸는지 10년 넘게 악몽에 시달렸다.

그동안 원하트는 마커스워십, 전은주, 김윤진 등 영향력 있는 찬양사역자들과의 콜라보를 통해 미주 예배자들을 섬겨왔다, 곧 목사 안수를 받으신대요 ♡ 찬양을 검색하면 항상 연관영상으로 떠서 몇번씩 찬양 듣는데 너무 영감도 좋으시고 찬양을 잘하셔서 제가 좋아하는 찬양 사역자 세요 만나교회 김병삼 담임목사님이 계신곳에 청년부 찬양 하고 계시더라구요. 우미쉘 목사는 근래 유투브에서 가장 뜨거운 반응을, 그분이 예수님인줄 모른 그녀는 참 짜증이 났었을 것 같아요. 안녕하세요 우미쉘 목사입니다 🙆🏻‍♀️ 많은 분들께서 궁금해 하시는 소식. 친구들이, 미쉘 우 아빠가 동전 100개를 가지고 가스 스테이션에 담배를 사러 왔더라고 쑥덕이고, 우아한 사모님이던 엄마가 마트에 나가서 일하기 시작했다.

3대째 카톨릭 집안으로 미국에서 태어나 대학교때 기독교로 개종하였고, 한국 여의도순복음교회에서 찬양사역을 하다가 신학공부를 해서 현재는 read more, 일련의 사건들에서 사모측과 우 목사측이 크고 작은 충돌을 거듭하며, 갈등이 생겼고, 급기야 은성국제선교회 로의 재산 이전을 두고 완전한 대립각을 이루게 된다, 한 남자의 아내, 두 아이의 엄마, 며느리. 주최측은 금요기도회 자리를 통해 예수님의 사랑과 구원의 기쁨을 찬양과 간증으로 우리에게 전하고 있는 우미쉘목사님분당 만나교회 찬양사역자를 모시고 찬양과 기도.

우연한 계기로 시작된 전임 찬양 사역부터 현재 목사 안수를 받기까지의 이야기하나님의 인도하심은 정말 놀랍습니다만나교회 우미쉘 목사의 간증을〈새롭게 하소서〉에서 만나보세요, 목사님은 미국에서 태어나서 미국 시민으로 사시다가 한국에서 신학공부를 하셨다고 들었습니다. 우 조교는 담당교수로부터 최소한 2년을 약속받고, 기기담당 조교로 1992년 5월경부터 출근하게 되었다, 우 미쉘 목사는 청년 시절을, 10대의 마지막 20대 초중반을 우울감에 시달리며 허비해 버린 것 같다고 회상한다. 임시당회장측의 공고문 이로써 청주은성교회는 기존 담임목사측과 임시당회장측이 갈등하는 양상으로 치닫고 있습니다, 아무런 목적이 없었던 한국행그러나 그분은 다 계획이 있으셨다.

예수님을 향한 갈망이 제 성향을 극복하게 했습니다.

그녀에겐 그저 남들과 다를것 없이 그도 자신을 싫어할 것이라 생각 했을 거에요, Com › news › articleview내성적이지만 예수님 만나고 그를 향한 갈망이 성향을 극복하게 해. 특히 다음 달 13일로 예정돼 있는 임시당회장측의 예배를 둘러싸고 충돌이 발생할 수도 있습니다, 인생은 원래 그런 것이지만, 그 당시 트라우마가 얼마나 컸는지 10년 넘게 악몽에 시달렸다, 지난 19일 현지시각 미국 la 다운타운에 위치한 주님의영광교회에서 원하트미니스트 문화사역단체, 대표 피터박 목사 주최로 찬양집회를 인도한 우미쉘.

히토미 추천 유튜브 뉴스앤조이최유리 기자 교회 전도사 a는 20대 초반에 전도사 남편과 결혼했다. 크리스천 티비는 비디오 플램폼을 기반으로 설교, 강연, 간증, 음악, 영화등의 영상물을 제공함으로써, 하나님의 복음과 은혜의 세계를 전하고 있습니다. 지난 19일 현지시각 미국 la 다운타운에 위치한 주님의영광교회에서 원하트미니스트 문화사역단체, 대표 피터박 목사 주최로 찬양집회를 인도한 우미쉘. 곧 목사 안수를 받으신대요 ♡ 찬양을 검색하면 항상 연관영상으로 떠서 몇번씩 찬양 듣는데 너무 영감도 좋으시고 찬양을 잘하셔서 제가 좋아하는 찬양 사역자 세요 만나교회 김병삼 담임목사님이 계신곳에 청년부 찬양 하고 계시더라구요. 대한민국 여의도순복음교회 에서 찬양사역을 하다가 감리교신학대학교 대학원 을 졸업하였고, 만나교회 전도사를 지낸 이후, 목사안수를 받아 경기도 성남시에 있는 만나교회 청년부 총괄과 찬양사역 목사로 재직하였다. 히토미 여캐 월드컵

히토미 사디스트 지난 19일 현지시각 미국 la 다운타운에 위치한 주님의영광교회에서 원하트미니스트 문화사역단체, 대표 피터박 목사 주최로 찬양집회를 인도한 우미쉘. 우미쉘 목사 초청 찬양간증집회 ‘나에게 찾아오신 예수님’이 17일 대구평강교회담임목사 이요셉 평강홀에서 개최된다. 그분이 예수님인줄 모른 그녀는 참 짜증이 났었을 것 같아요. 지난 19일 현지시각 미국 la 다운타운에 위치한 주님의영광교회에서 원하트미니스트 문화사역단체, 대표 피터박 목사 주최로 찬양집회를 인도한 우미쉘. Com › jikjisquare › 223604030186청주은성교회 극한 갈등 시작됐다 네이버 블로그. 히토미 젠인 마키

힙스터뇨 Com › 589우미쉘 목사 찬양집회 전국을 돌며 수치스러운 과거를 거리낌 없이. 하지만 신앙생활과 목회 사역을 통해 점차 트라우마에서 벗어나 자유로워졌다고 고백했는데요. 그녀에겐 그저 남들과 다를것 없이 그도 자신을 싫어할 것이라 생각 했을 거에요. 조슈아가 생전 신도들을 강간하고 고문했다는 사실이 bbc탐사보도팀에 의해 밝혀졌다. 대한민국 여의도순복음교회에서 찬양사역을 하다가 감리교신학대학교 대학원 read more. 히토미 작가 추천 2024

히토미 집단 Com › 589우미쉘 목사 찬양집회 전국을 돌며 수치스러운 과거를 거리낌 없이. 예수님을 향한 갈망이 제 성향을 극복하게 했습니다. 우 조교는 담당교수로부터 최소한 2년을 약속받고, 기기담당 조교로 1992년 5월경부터 출근하게 되었다. 당시 받은 찬양의 감동을 요약해서 전해드립니다. 대한민국 여의도순복음교회 에서 찬양사역을 하다가 감리교신학대학교 대학원 을 졸업하였고, 만나교회 전도사를 지낸 이후, 목사안수를 받아 경기도 성남시에 있는 만나교회 청년부 총괄과 찬양사역 목사로 재직하였다.

히토미 처벌 가능성 우연한 계기로 시작된 전임 찬양 사역부터 현재 목사 안수를 받기까지의 이야기하나님의 인도하심은 정말 놀랍습니다만나교회 우미쉘 목사의 간증을〈새롭게 하소서〉에서 만나보세요. 당시 받은 찬양의 감동을 요약해서 전해드립니다. 우미쉘 목사는 근래 유투브에서 가장 뜨거운 반응을. 이 목사는 적과 아군은 구분해야 한다. 그분이 예수님인줄 모른 그녀는 참 짜증이 났었을 것 같아요.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.