US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, August 5, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, August 5, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, August 5, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, August 5, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, August 5, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, August 5, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, August 5, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, August 5, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, August 5, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, August 5, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, August 5, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, August 5, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, August 5, 2026.
신규 캐릭터 3인방은 투표를 거치지 않고 무조건 출연이 보장되며, 대신 투표는 신규캐 3인방들을 제외한 기존 캐릭터들 사이에서만 투표가 이루어지고, top3 캐릭터는 등수가 랜덤하게 표시된다. Club › lists › suggestions침착하고 샤나이나이를 사랑하세요 슈링크 볼패임. 하얀고양이 프로젝트의 캐릭터들이 가지는 직업은 초창기에는 검사, 랜서, 무투가, 워리어, 아처, 마도사의 총 6종류였다. 헬레나와 함께 주인공을 보살펴 주었던 듯 하며, 사실은 아스토라섬에 read more.
5th부터 3등까지의 투표를 보여주었으며 11th부터 실시간 투표수가 공개되고있다. 당시 가장 성능이 좋은 fog 교체한정과 소환시기가 겹친다. 그러나 20세기 이전에도 고양이 남성 캐릭터도 간간이 보였지만, 이후 캣우먼 이나 헬로키티 1 같은 고양이 여성 캐릭터가 대거 등장하면서 고양이 남성 캐릭터는 토끼 캐릭터나 쥐 캐릭터보다 더 뒤지고 상당히 드물어졌다.
한판, 일판 동일한 2018년 3월 31일 업데이트된 워리어의 클래스 체인지 워로드 출시 기념 이벤트와 교체 캐릭터들.. 5th부터 3등까지의 투표를 보여주었으며 11th부터 실시간 투표수가 공개되고있다.. 캐릭터정보실n 스타일샵n cm 아지트n 미디어 월렛nexternal aion2.. 하얀고양이 프로젝트의 캐릭터들은 검사, 랜서, 무투가, 워리어, 아처, 마도사, 크로스 세이버, 드래곤라이더, 바리언트 10, 버서커, 룬 세이버, 체인 룰러의 직업으로 나뉘어 있다..
하얀고양이 프로젝트던전이벤트 던전 r739 판 나무위키image size429x539 하얀고양이 프로젝트던전이벤트 던전 r739 판 나무위키image size443x550 환상수호전 환상수호전티어크라이스 캐릭터 성우 기원인물image size420x183, 하얀고양이 프로젝트던전이벤트 던전 r739 판 나무위키image size429x539 하얀고양이 프로젝트던전이벤트 던전 r739 판 나무위키image size443x550 환상수호전 환상수호전티어크라이스 캐릭터 성우 기원인물 image size420x183. 그래서 이번에는 고양이 인기 캐릭터의 귀여운 순 순위를 대공개. Com › na_uin › 220575716817하얀고양이 프로젝트 크리스마스와 오리지널 한국캐릭터 나유인, 하얀고양이 프로젝트 캐릭터 종류 8 문캣.
개요 편집 기존 하고프 캐릭터들을 캐스팅하고 입혀서 한국캐릭터 이미지로 리메이크시켰다, 댓글 2 전체보기 370개의 글 목록열기. 다만 쿠마론은 자체 캐릭터화가 곤란했는지 리제롯테의 리메이크로 나왔다, 신분의 위치상 겉모습만 요란하지 실속이라곤 하나도 없어 하나도 안 즐거운 귀족들의 파티문화에만 참가하다보니 5 서민문화를 알 겨를이 없었다고 한다.
안녕하세요 모발모발게임요정입니다 오늘 제가 여러분들에게 소개해드릴 게임은 하얀고양이 프로젝트입니다. 디즈니 영화 에 등장하는 고양이로 가장 유명한 아기고양이 마리. 다만 쿠마론은 자체 캐릭터화가 곤란했는지 리제롯테의 리메이크로 나왔다.
| 캐릭터가 어떤 타입이냐에 따라 캐릭터마다 각각 활용해야 하는 방식이 달라진다. | 고에몬 하얀고양이 온천이야기 이벤트에서 첫등장. | 디즈니 고양이하면 저는 하얀 고양이, 마리가 가장 먼저 떠올라요. | 초창기엔 섬 보상 캐릭터나 강림 캐릭터 등으로 플레이어도 다룰 수 있도록 구상해놨는지 플레이어블로서의 요소가 있었다. |
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| 앞서 살펴봤던 것처럼 하얀고양이 골프 캐릭터는 고유 스킨을 기준으로 의상을 바꿔가며 플레이하는 것이 가능합니다. | 역사가 가장 깊은 기간제 이벤트 배포 캐릭터. | 물론 캐릭터 모델링과 이벤트 cg가 번경됐을 뿐이고 기술이나 직업은 예전과 동일 하게 구리다. | 개요 편집 하얀고양이 프로젝트 의 16번째 포스타 프로젝트 캐릭터들에 대해 서술. |
| 캐릭터가 어떤 타입이냐에 따라 캐릭터마다 각각 활용해야 하는 방식이 달라진다. | 개인스토리는 비행섬에 온 라온이 자신의 비를 몰고다니는 능력을 제어하기 위해 비의 스피어로 중이병 돋는 대사를 읊으며 분투한다는 내용. | 물론 캐릭터 모델링과 이벤트 cg가 번경됐을 뿐이고 기술이나 직업은 예전과 동일 하게 구리다. | Com › wiki › 하얀고양이_프로젝트하얀고양이 프로젝트캐릭터한정 캐릭터한국 오리지널 캐릭터 우. |
| 21% | 23% | 22% | 34% |
캐릭터 일러스트, 그림, 애니메이션에 관한 아이디어를 더 확인해 보세요.. 인헤르미나도 그렇고 카렌도 그렇고 안젤라마저도 첫 출시엔 마도사인걸 보면 기품있는 왕족은 마도사여야 한다는 페티쉬가 있나..
한판에서는 각각 회심 +100%, 차지 횟수 감소로 좀 더 신속한 서포트가 가능하도록 바뀌었다. 개요 편집 모바일 게임 하얀고양이 프로젝트 미스테리 랜드 캐릭터에 대해서 설명, 하얀고양이 프로젝트던전이벤트 던전 r739 판 나무위키image size429x539 하얀고양이 프로젝트던전이벤트 던전 r739 판 나무위키image size443x550 환상수호전 환상수호전티어크라이스 캐릭터 성우 기원인물 image size420x183, 하고프에 도티 캐릭터와 특별 이벤트가 떴다. 헬레나와 함께 주인공을 보살펴 주었던 듯 하며, 사실은 아스토라섬에 read more. 캐릭터 특성은 시스콘, 중2병, 츤데레, 핫팬츠, 더듬이.
개요 편집 하얀고양이 프로젝트 의 16번째 포스타 프로젝트 캐릭터들에 대해 서술. 4성 캐릭터의 경우는 특정 이벤트로 무료로 제공하는 강림 캐릭터를 제외하고는 가챠로만. 성능과 별개로 극초반에 획득 가능한 초보자용 캐릭터 답게 우정각성에 필요한 친밀도가 다른 캐릭터들보다 빨리 차며 전용무기도 1, 2 단계는 강화비용이. Net › wiki › 하얀고양이_프로젝트하얀고양이 프로젝트캐릭터 리브레 위키. 하얀고양이 프로젝트 설치부터 캐릭터 셋업까지, 하얀고양이 프로젝트의 캐릭터들은 1성부터 4성까지 분포되어 있으며, 개중 1성은 스토리 모드를 진행하면서 얻게 되고, 2성과 3성은 가챠를 통해 언제든 획득할 수 있다.
풍자 완트 디시 하얀고양이 프로젝트의 캐릭터들은 1성부터 4성까지 분포되어 있으며, 개중 1성은 스토리 모드를 진행하면서 얻게 되고, 2성과 3성은 가챠를 통해 언제든 획득할 수 있다. 역사가 가장 깊은 기간제 이벤트 배포 캐릭터. Com › wiki › 하얀고양이_프로젝트하얀고양이 프로젝트캐릭터한정 캐릭터한국 오리지널 캐릭터 우. 당장 아버지부터 토끼고 주변 인물도 토끼라 칭한다. 소개 편집 지구최강 인맥왕 주인 공기 하이파이브 장인 룬셔틀 6 이름 그대로 주인공으로, 하얀고양이 프로젝트의 메인 스토리와 가장 관련이 깊은 등장인물 중 한명이다. 포켓몬 릴리에 오줌
포켓몬 풍란 야짤 안녕하세요 모발모발게임요정입니다 오늘 제가 여러분들에게 소개해드릴 게임은 하얀고양이 프로젝트입니다. 룰이 저번 투표까지의 갤럭티카 룰보다 상당히 많이 바뀌었다. 개요 편집 하얀고양이 프로젝트의 캐릭터는 별의 개수에 따라 전체적인 능력치나 성능이 달라지며 우정각성을 하지 않은 기준으로 1성, 2성, 3성, 4성으로 구분된다. 성능과 별개로 극초반에 획득 가능한 초보자용 캐릭터 답게 우정각성에 필요한 친밀도가 다른 캐릭터들보다 빨리 차며 전용무기도 1, 2 단계는 강화비용이. 또한 기존의 선역 캐릭터 중에서도 평행 세계에서 모종의 이유로 악역화되어 리메이크된 버전도 있으므로 이를 구분하기 위해 악역 캐릭터들은 문단명 옆에 표시를 별도로 추가했다. 펠라 소리
포켓몬 타니 짤 그러나 20세기 이전에도 고양이 남성 캐릭터도 간간이 보였지만, 이후 캣우먼 이나 헬로키티 1 같은 고양이 여성 캐릭터가 대거 등장하면서 고양이 남성 캐릭터는 토끼 캐릭터나 쥐 캐릭터보다 더 뒤지고 상당히 드물어졌다. 하고프에 도티 캐릭터와 특별 이벤트가 떴다. 개요 편집 하얀고양이 프로젝트 에 나오는 캐릭터들의 타입 종류를 서술해 놓은 항목이다. 개요 편집 하얀고양이 프로젝트 한국판에만 있는 한국 오리지널 캐릭터들 목록이다. ✓상업적 용도로 무료 사용 ✓고품질 이미지. 포항 포우사다
팬더티비 솜먼지 한판, 일판 동일한 2018년 3월 31일 업데이트된 워리어의 클래스 체인지 워로드 출시 기념 이벤트와 교체 캐릭터들. 하얀 고양이 캐릭터 이미지 freepik에서 무료 다운로드. Plaync 쿠양하얀 고양이 신규헤어. Com › wiki › 하얀고양이_프로젝트하얀고양이 프로젝트등장인물. 코로프라가 총력을 기울인 신작 왕도 rpg 하얀고양이 프로젝트.
폐 가래 디시 Ai 생성 벡터와 스톡 벡터를 탐색하며, 고품질 에셋으로 프로젝트의 완성도를 높여. 일본판 포스타 프로젝트 19th와 동일. 캐릭터 특성은 시스콘, 중2병, 츤데레, 핫팬츠, 더듬이. 5th부터 3등까지의 투표를 보여주었으며 11th부터 실시간 투표수가 공개되고있다. 하얀고양이 프로젝트의 캐릭터는 별의 개수에 따라 전체적인 능력치나 성능이 달라지며 우정각성을 하지 않은 기준으로 1성, 2성, 3성, 4성으로 구분.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on August 5, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, August 5, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, August 5, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, August 5, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
다양한 엔터테인먼트가 풍부한 일본에서는 고양이 캐릭터들도 큰 인기를 끌고 있습니다., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.