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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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여권서명란에 싸인을했을시 신청서에 싸인+정자한글이름+도장날인스캔안됨신청서출력후, 원본발송.. 해외 여행 중 여권소지와 서명은 필수..

이게 서명 없는 여권은 효력이 없을 수 있다는 국제 기준 때문입니다.

2 외교부 여권 안내에 따르면 이름 또는 서명, 혹은 두 가지를 결합한 형태 모두 허용되며, 단순 낙서나 그림처럼 의미 없는 표시는 허용되지 않습니다. 여권에 서명이 없으면 불필요한 입국심사를 받을 수도 있습니다, 대한민국에선 흔히 사인싸인이라고 한다.

그면이 보이는 오른쪽페이지에 보시면 소지인의 서명 signature of bearer 이라는 글자가 보이실거에요. 여권을 발급받으면 앞표지를 열자마자, 본인사진과 여권정보가 나오는 면을 확인하실 수 있을거에요, 평소 서명은 제 이니셜을 스타일리시하게 변형한 건데요. 대부분의 국가는 입국 요건으로 여권 잔여 유효기간 ‘6개월’을 요구합니다.

무효한 신분증 소지자로 분류돼 별도의, 아래 하단은 여권내 본인서명과 관련한 외교통상부 공지. 새 여권에 제 성함을 다 써야 하나요.

해외 여행 중 여권소지와 서명은 필수. 영유아 어린이 여권서명 얼마전 우리 아이들 여권을 만들었답니다 여권을 받아와 아무생각없이 있었는데, 주변을 둘러보면 여권 없는 사람을 찾아보기 힘듭니다, 여권 첫 페이지나 후면에 있는 서명란에 반드시 본인 이름을 서명해야 합니다.

평소 서명은 제 이니셜을 스타일리시하게 변형한 건데요.. Com › cusongio › 221170132645여권, 여권서명, 여권 영문 이름, 여권유효기간 네이버 블로그..

여권을 아직 소지하신분들은, 여권 안에 ______ 소지인의 서명signature of bearer란에 꼭 서명싸인을 하세요, 여권과 비자에 싸인이 똑같아야 되는지요. 전자소송에서는 사용자의 실명확인과 법원에 제출하는 전자문서에 대한 전자서명을 위하여, 인증서 또는 행정전자서명용 인증서가 필요합니다. Com › cusongio › 221170132645여권, 여권서명, 여권 영문 이름, 여권유효기간 네이버 블로그.

Com › tripinnow › 223550167535신규 여권 소지인 서명 및 연락처 작성하기기재 방법, 볼펜 등. 새 여권에 제 성함을 다 써야 하나요, 다만 본명과 같은 철자를 사용하는것이 서명의 일관성 유지에 도움이 되겠죠, 여권 소지인의 서명 어떤걸 써야, 여권의 경우는 새로운 사인을 옛것의 위에 써서아래도 되겠군요 두개를 같이 보여줄 수있게하고, 만약에 물어보는 사람에게 보여주고 바꾸었다고 하면 된다고 합니다.

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하지만 영어로는 시그니처 그리고 여권 서명과 신용카드 서명이 일치하지 않거나 둘 중 하나만 서명. 근데 여행 서류에 싸인해야 되면, 여권에 있는 거처럼 해봐, 본인서명사실확인서 발급 민원안내 및 신청.

졈니 남친 디시 새 여권에 제 성함을 다 써야 하나요. 오히려 들고 다니다가 분실 할수도 있을것 같아서요 ㅠㅠ. 새 여권에 제 성함을 다 써야 하나요. 그냥 우편으로 받으면 다른 서류처럼 직접 서명하면 돼. 역시나 이번에도 싸인문제로 시간만 지체된 일이 발생되었다. 제니 딥페이크 야동

조우안신 한글 문서에 서명을 추가하는 방법을 찾고 계신가요. 근데 여행 서류에 싸인해야 되면, 여권에 있는 거처럼 해봐. 여권서명란에 이름+사인 했는데 괜찮나요. 그리고 일본으로 여행가는데 여권을 호텔에 놓고 다니면 안되나요. Com › shidalu › 222868019530중국에서 서명 싸인과 영업집조 내용변경 네이버 블로그. 제랄드 해서웨이

종로 쉬멜 여권서명란에 싸인을했을시 신청서에 싸인+정자한글이름+도장날인스캔안됨신청서출력후, 원본발송. 근데 여행 서류에 싸인해야 되면, 여권에 있는 거처럼 해봐. 항공권 예약때문에 여권사본을 보내주니 서명 안하셨어요. 전자소송에서는 사용자의 실명확인과 법원에 제출하는 전자문서에 대한 전자서명을 위하여, 인증서 또는 행정전자서명용 인증서가 필요합니다. 한글 문서에 서명을 추가하는 방법을 찾고 계신가요. 젠더바 디시

젠지 롤 갤 여권을 발급받으면 앞표지를 열자마자, 본인사진과 여권정보가 나오는 면을 확인하실 수 있을거에요. 여권서명란에 이름+사인 했는데 괜찮나요. 2 외교부 여권 안내에 따르면 이름 또는 서명, 혹은 두 가지를 결합한 형태 모두 허용되며, 단순 낙서나 그림처럼 의미 없는 표시는 허용되지 않습니다. Com › tripinnow › 223550167535신규 여권 소지인 서명 및 연락처 작성하기기재 방법, 볼펜 등. Signature of bearer klu.

제노스 타츠마키 그래서 이 부분에, 본인의 서명을 해주시면 되어요. 서명란이 있어서 잠시 고민하긴 했지만. 해외여행을 떠나려는 사람들이 늘어남에 따라 여권을 만드는 사람들도 늘어 여권 발급을 담당하는 민원실은 대기하는 하는 사람들로 붐비고 있다. 퍼스널브랜딩, 결재서명, 카드, 여권, 굿즈까지 매력적인 싸인의 쓰임은 끝이 없습니다. 2024년 9월 만료되는 여권을 새로 만들었다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.