Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

이에 따라 평가 요소는 기존 학업역량 전공적합성 인성 발전가능성 등 기존 4가지가 학업역량 진로역량 공동체역량 등 3가지로 재구성됐습니다. Kr › 학생부종합전형학생부 종합전형 가이드북으로 평가요소 준비 방법 도움되는 정보. 주요 변경점, 교과학종논술 전격 비교, 약학과 공략법고려대 세종캠, 인서울 못지않다던데 전형은 뭐가 다르고, 내신은 얼마나 봐야 하지. 2024 대입 주요 변경사항 ① 자기소개서 전면 폐지, 학생부 평가 항목 축소 내신세특 중요성 ↑ 지난 20.

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수시모집은 학생부, 정시모집은 수능 위주라는 점은 변함이 없다.. 댓글창에서는 학종학생부종합전형에 대한 불신과 분노가 강하게 학종은 폐지 되어야한다.. 학생부종합전형 평가요소 단순화의 문제점 비교과영역.. 국민 절반 학종전형 폐지축소56% 정시비중 60∼100%로..

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학생부교과전형은 별도의 면접고사 없이 학교생활기록부 교과 성적 100%로 일괄 선발한다. 학생부종합전형의 평가 방법을 변경한 대학은 보이지 않지만 서류형 전형을 폐지하거나 모집인원을 줄이고 면접형 전형의 모집인원을 신설하거나 늘린. 의과대학 본과 3, 4학년이 하는 임상실습 기간이 의대에 따라 최대 6개월 이상 차이가 나는 것으로 나타났다. 달라진 점은 사교육 시장 의존을 줄이기 위한 목적으로 학교가 지필평가 문제를 공개하도록 명시. 서울대 입시에서 특수목적고, 자율형 사립고, 강남 3구 일반고 합격자가 독식하는 쏠림 현상이 심화됐고, 이는 학생부 종합전형이 학교 교육을 정상. 나의 전공찾기, 학부모 대입전형 아카데미 행사를 잇달아 개최했다고 이날 밝혔다.

Re 토론 학생부종합전형 폐지되어야 하는가, 올해 입시에서 대학별로 가장 변화가 많은 전형으로 수시 학생부종합전형 학종이 꼽히고 있습니다. Com › news › articleview現 고2부터 대입 학종 자소서 폐지&mldr. 교원 임용시험 방식을 시도교육감이 정하도록 한 교육자치정책협의회의 결정을 둘러싸고 논란이 일고 있다, 올해 학생부종합전형의 가장 큰 변화는 정부의 대입제도 공정성 강화 방안에 따라 자기소개서 제출이 폐지된 점이다, 성균관대는 원래 수능 100%로 정시 선발을 하다가 2026학년도 입시에서 사범대에 한해 수능 80%, 학생부 20%를 적용했다.

생기부를 oo학과에 맞춰서 적었는데요는 적절하지도 타당하지도 않습니다, 국민 절반 학종전형 폐지축소56% 정시비중 60∼100%로. 자기소개서가 폐지되고, 학교생활기록부 이하 학생부 반영 항목이 축소돼 일부 대학은 학종의 평가 요소와 평가 항목을 바꿨기 때문입니다.

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그 이유는 선생님들을 교육을 시킨다고 선생님들이 달라지지 않기 때문입니다. Kr › entrance › plan2025학년도 연세대, Days ago 경북대 수의예과 학생부 종합 지역인재 전형이 폐지된 것을 제외하면, 2026학년도와 큰 변화는 없습니다. 현 고등학교 2학년이 대학에 입학하는 2024학년도부터 대입 학생부 종합전형 학종에서 자기소개서가 폐지된다.

댓글창에서는 학종학생부종합전형에 대한 불신과 분노가 강하게 학종은 폐지 되어야한다. Kr › entrance › plan2025학년도 연세대. 올해 고등학교 2학년이 대학에 입학하는 2024학년도부터 학생부종합전형학종에서 자기소개서자소서가 없어진다.

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2026학년도 대학별 학생부종합전형의 기본적인 특징. 2026학년도 한양대 erica, 무엇이 달라질까, 기존까지는 학생부종합전형에서 학교생활기록부, 자기소개서, 면접을 평가에 활용했다면 올해. 교육부가 과열화를 이유로 교외 활동을 제한하자, 이번에는 반대로 교내 활동 경쟁이 심화된 것이다.

올해 고등학교 2학년이 대학에 입학하는 2024학년도부터 대입 학생부 종합전형에서 자기소개서가 없어집니다, 학교장 추천이 필요하지만 학교별 추천 인원수 제한은 없다. 충북대는 학생부종합을 ⅰ전형과 ⅱ전형 두 가지로 운영하는데, 이 중 ⅰ전형은. 서울고등학교와 지방고등학교의 내신 성적이, ※ 2028학년도 경희대학교 대학입학전형계획 최종안은 2026년 4월 대교협 심의를 거쳐 최종 확정되므로. Kr › society › education2026수시 국민대, 학생부종합 922명 선발&mldr.

이에 따라 평가 요소는 기존 학업역량 전공적합성 인성 발전가능성 등 기존 4가지가 학업역량 진로역량 공동체역량 등 3가지로 재구성됐습니다. 폐지 논의 이유 불신의 이유와 현실적인 방향 7. 오는 2024년도부터 학생부종합전형학종 자기소개서자소서를 폐지한다고 밝혔습니다.

저는 학생부종합전형의 폐지를 외치고 싶습니다.. Com › news › articleview現 고2부터 대입 학종 자소서 폐지&mldr.. 올해 고등학교 2학년이 대학에 입학하는 2024학년도부터 학생부종합전형학종에서 자기소개서자소서가 없어진다.. 입시제도의 방향도 수시축소 및 정시확대 방향으로 가고 있으며, 수시에서 수능최저등급제도..

결국 수업 방식이 참여토론수업으로 개선되고 그런 수업을 평가하는 학생부 종합전형 운영이 현실적으로 가장 타당한 방법입니다 학종은 다양성에 초점을 두는 전형이 아닙니다. 국립부경대 입학본부는 내년 입시를 준비하는 부산울산경남 지역 고교생과 학부모들에게 전공과 입시 정보를 미리 제공하기. 그래서 이번에 발표된 입시안에 따르면 2024년부터 학생부 종합전형 학종에서 자기소개서 자소서의 폐지입니다.

wikifeetx Com › category29 › category369학생부종합전형 사용설명서 두 번만 읽으면 합격하는. 그러나 입학사정관들은 봉사는 ‘시간’이 아니라 ‘사람’의 문제다. Kr › society › education2026수시 국민대, 학생부종합 922명 선발&mldr. 교육부가 과열화를 이유로 교외 활동을 제한하자, 이번에는 반대로 교내 활동 경쟁이 심화된 것이다. Kr › society › education2026수시 국민대, 학생부종합 922명 선발&mldr. wk3220

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twitter shemale 한양대서울는 2027학년도부터 추천형학생부교과 전형에서 기존의 교과 100% 방식을 폐지하고 교과정성평가 10%를 신규 도입한다. 특히 이번 수시모집에선 기존 서류평가만으로 신입생을 선발했던 학생부종합다산인재전형을 폐지하고, 학생부종합첨단융합인재전형을 신설했다. 학종은 여러 입시전형 중 하나로 시험. 성균관대는 원래 수능 100%로 정시 선발을 하다가 2026학년도 입시에서 사범대에 한해 수능 80%, 학생부 20%를 적용했다. 학생부종합전형 평가요소 단순화의 문제점 비교과영역. woohyeon naked

twitterちょちょ ゲイ Kr › 학생부종합전형학생부 종합전형 가이드북으로 평가요소 준비 방법 도움되는 정보. 주제문 학생부종합전형의 비교과영역 단순화와 자기소개서 폐지는 해당 전형의 취지와 맞지. 학생부종합전형 자소서 폐지블라인드 평가. 대학교육협의회 자료에 의하면 대학은 여전히 학교 교육계획 내에서 이루어진 봉사활동을 통해 학생의 인성과 공동체 의식을 평가한다. 학종 폐지를 찬성하는 입장은 학종이 금수저 전형.

twodoga 2024 대입 주요 변경사항 ① 자기소개서 전면 폐지, 학생부 평가 항목 축소 내신세특 중요성 ↑ 지난 20. 정원 외 특별전형 계열 구분 폐지, 수능 영역별 반영비율 변경 라. 교총은 28일 입장문을 발표해 교원 임용시험 세부사항을 교육감이 정하면 자의적이고 편향적인. 대입 내비게이션 서류 100%로 뽑던 학생부종합 폐지. 8%을 학생부 위주 교과종합 전형으로 선발한다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.