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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

주로 20대와 30대 젊은 층에서 많이 발생하고 있는데, 이들은 친구들끼리 모여서 사고를 계획하고 실행하는. 텔레보고 연락해서 동숭자로 들어갔고 편취액은 100만원 받고 60은 총책한테 상납 40 받았는데 구약식 안넘어가고 구공판이 열렸네요. Kr › view차선변경 차만 노렸다&mldr. 스압친구 보험사기당한거 후기 실시간 베스트 갤러리.

처리방향이라도 조금 조언부탁드리며 참고로 read more.. Com › board › view무보험차량한테 뒷빵 박혔습니다..

거유 꼭지 노출

보험빵 8명 적발고의 사고로 보험금 8천만 원 타내.. 보험빵 8명 적발고의 사고로 보험금 8천만 원 타내.. 이들의 범행을 주도한 23세 청년은 1억5300만원에 달하는 보험금을 받아낸 것으로 드러났다.. 범행을 주도한 a 23씨는 2020년 12월 학창시절 선후배들을 불러 보험빵 사기를 기획했다..

감정적 인 여자친구 디시

이러니까 갑자기 경찰 밀치고 손올리면서 때리는 시늉 하면서 마지막은. 빵을 재포장해 속여 팔다 발각된 사례, 틱톡맨 @tiktokman1111111 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상. Com › view › nisx20231027_0002499807고의 사고로 보험빵 사기친 20대&mldr. 가해 차량의 역할을 맡아줄 이른바 ‘공격수’를 구한다는 내용이다, 20대들 1억5천 보험빵 사기 zdnet korea.

보험사기부터 뺑소니까지 다 잡았습니다 한블리 사이다 레전드 80분 모음｜한블리한문철의 블랙박스 리뷰｜jtbc 231031 방송 외. 기아 l 조회수29 좋아요좋아요 댓글13 작성시간2시간 북마크. Kr › view차선변경 차만 노렸다&mldr, 운영자 250317ad 보험상담은 디시공식설계사에게 받으세요, 사정상 정기적으로 정해진 요일, 정해진 날짜에 근무해야하는 일은 못하고, 그냥 일당제로 할수있는 알바 추천. 은 30프로 금 10프로 이지 슬슬 냄새가 난다.

형님들 정말억울해서 그런데 보험빵인지 확인좀부탁드립니다. 가해 차량의 역할을 맡아줄 이른바 ‘공격수’를 구한다는 내용이다. 그래서인지 몰라도 1,2차 시험 직전에는 수리걱정없이 다른과목에 집중할수있었습니다, 저는 우왕좌왕하고 회계 너무 대충해서 과락나오는게 문제점 read more. 오빠 우리 보험빵 치러가는거야 챌린지는, 인터넷에서는 피해자들이 미미쿠키의 품질을 칭찬하면서 올렸던 과거 구매 후기와 홍보글을 조롱했다.

강민경 온리팬스

보험빵의 유형 🔍 보험빵은 여러 가지 유형으로 나뉘어요. 매일 동생한테 울고불며 전화가 오는데 너무 안쓰럽습니다. 전 미국에서 보험없이 구강외과에서 350불에 뽑았는데 보험적용없이 1600이면 너무 비싸네요.

신고자분 마지막으로 여쭤볼게요 보험 접수나 합의할 의향이 전혀 없으신거죠. 아시아경제 이창환 기자 2020년 경기 북부에 거주하던 20대 a씨는 지역 선후배나 인터넷카페를 통해 보험빵을 시도할 사람들을 모집한다, Kr › view차선변경 차만 노렸다&mldr. Idinsure&no10&page1치킨 이벤트 하길래 보험 가입하고 후기까지 써봄친척이나 친한친구들.

경비 리포트 관리

범행을 주도한 a 23씨는 2020년 12월 학창시절 선후배들을 불러 보험빵 사기를 기획했다. 종합보험설계서도 받아서 내가 가입하려는 종합보험설계서랑 내용 비교해봤는데 거의 똑같더라고 초특급은 보험은 유지가 중요하니 여의치않으면 80세만기로 주로 하라고 조언해주는 특징이 있었음 금액은 정말 유지가능하게 현실적으로 뽑아주는거 같틈. Com › 130보험빵 ccrlove03. 보험빵 해본 사람있냐 도박치료 마이너 갤러리, 주도자 1, 2명이 수십 명의 가담자를 끌어들여 사기를 벌이는 행태다. 신고자분 마지막으로 여쭤볼게요 보험 접수나 합의할 의향이 전혀 없으신거죠.

경남전자고 디시 인터넷에서는 피해자들이 미미쿠키의 품질을 칭찬하면서 올렸던 과거 구매 후기와 홍보글을 조롱했다. 보험사기로 최근 경찰서 다녀온 후기 바이크 갤러리. 1차에서 하홍준선생님의 강의를 수강하고, 컴팩트하게 2차 범위보험수리학2를 수강할수 있는 과목이어서 현강을 수강하였고 결과적으로 꽤 만족스러웠. 손해사정 뉴스 1,030개의 글 손해사정 뉴스목록열기 손해사정 뉴스 충격의 보험사기⑥보험빵에 맛들인 젊은이들20대에 철창신세. 이들의 범행을 주도한 23세 청년은 1억5300만원에 달하는 보험금을 받아낸 것으로 드러났다. 고라니율 리액션 다시보기

걸레녀 트위터 심지어 이 날은 치과의사단체에서 임플란트 보험적용으로 이재명 지지선언을 한 날이었다, 일반 보험빵 보험사랑 합의 아직 못했는데 실형이 나올까요. 이들의 범행을 주도한 23세 청년은 1억5300만원에 달하는 보험금을 받아낸 것으로 드러났다. 서울뉴시스홍연우 기자 일부러 사고를 낸 뒤 보험금을 지급받는 속칭 보험빵 사기를 저지른 20대 초반의 일당들. 보험빵이란 무엇이며, 자동차 보험사기와 어떤 관련이 있나요. 동네 선후배 사이인 이들은 4개월 만에 1억5300만에 달하는 보험금을 받아냈다. 개빡친유하 지코

고사3성 호텔 어제 교통사고 났는데 보험사기라면서 가해자가 나 신고한 썰. 우선 빨간불 정차중에 뒤에서 렌트차가 느리게 뒷빵 박아서 100대0 과실 나왔구요. 디시 이용자들이 직접 경험하고 추천하는 가성비 좋은 여행자보험 top 5를 엄선했습니다. Idinsure&no10&page1치킨 이벤트 하길래 보험 가입하고 후기까지 써봄친척이나 친한친구들. 고의충돌이 20대 자동차보험 사기의 약 40%에 달했다. 감정적 인 여자친구 디시

개씨발정숙 보험빵의 유형 🔍 보험빵은 여러 가지 유형으로 나뉘어요. 빵을 재포장해 속여 팔다 발각된 사례. 차선 변경 차들만을 노려 그대로 돌진해 보험금 수령을 노렸다. Com › view › nisx20231027_0002499807고의 사고로 보험빵 사기친 20대&mldr. 한국가도 보험 없으면 2530만원 정도 한다고 해서 그냥 미국에서 뽑았는데 친절하고 좋았어요.

감정적인 여자친구 디시 보험사기 경찰 조사 후기입니다 익명 죄송 자동차 갤러리. 서울뉴시스홍연우 기자 일부러 사고를 낸 뒤 보험금을 지급받는 속칭 보험빵 사기를 저지른 20대 초반의 일당들. Com › board › view무보험차량한테 뒷빵 박혔습니다. 아시아경제 이창환 기자 2020년 경기 북부에 거주하던 20대 a씨는 지역 선후배나 인터넷카페를 통해 보험빵을 시도할 사람들을 모집한다. 보험빵 해본 사람있냐 도박치료 마이너 갤러리.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.