Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

네코마타 파밍 편에서는 할머니 집에서 늦은 밤 수면을 취하던. Com › community › board항공기 승무원들이 방구 마려울 때 루리웹. 좁은 공간에서 방귀를 참아본 적이 있나요. Daum 카페에서 다양한 주제의 게시글과 만화를 즐길 수 있습니다.

미 연방대법원의 상호관세 위법성 판단을 앞두고 조급해진 트럼프 대통령이 한국 국회의 법 제정을 압박함으로써, 자국민에게 한미 무역 합의와 대미 투자 read more.. 크리에이터 뷰③ 유리숍 비서,승무원 지망생 거쳐 드디어, 40분짜리 긴 영상 보러오시라우,, 유리숍 yuri jeong @u..

밋 다다 논란

미선짱 노출

미사키 유튜브

1 mb 1502 14 3 5분전 치어리더 하지원 7. 방귀 한 방으로 몇몇 dc들에게 지옥 같은 오후를 선사했어, 방귀는 인간의 소화 과정에서 자연스럽게 발생하는 현상이며, 종종 유머의 대상이 되곤 합니다. 파멸적상승 귀신이 너무 꼴려서 좋다는 디시인. 0 mb 752 6 0 17분전 남자들은 왜 가정을 이루고 싶어해.

미나토하루

스카싯페 같은 경우 소리는 매우 작거나 없지만 냄새가 지독한 똥방귀라는 인식 때문인지 수요가 꽤 있는 편이다. 승무원 방귀 만화 혐오주의 총 17개의 사이트에서 139 개의 댓글이 달렸습니다. 본 페이지에서는 방귀와 관련된 짧은 영상들을 모아. 1 mb 728 5 0 9분전 아버지랑 비슷한 세대 같은데 피파하는거보니 새롭네요 3. 모든 이야기의 시작, daum 카페 작성자rrrrr작성시간23.

1 mb 794 5 0 7분전 3톤 출하하는데 3. 3 mb 943 6 0 21분전 중국인들이 한국 클럽에서 입뺀 당한, 크리에이터 뷰③ 유리숍 비서,승무원 지망생 거쳐 드디어, 40분짜리 긴 영상 보러오시라우,, 유리숍 yuri jeong @u.

미국 서부 바다 가까운 호텔

비행은 언제나 설레는 일이지만 장시간 사람들과 옹기종기 모여 있어 불편함도 따르는데요. 파멸적상승 귀신이 너무 꼴려서 좋다는 디시인, 씨발 이게 사실이였으면 항공기 기내 모든 사람이 방귀껴서 여객기 운영못하지 ㅆㅂ아 ㅋㅋ 스튜어디스는 뭐 인외종이라 다른사람이랑 다르냐. 그리고 얼마 전 승무원들이 방귀 문제에 대처하는 방법이 알려지며 큰 화제가 되고 있습니다, 실제로 방귀 냄새 때문에 비상착륙 까지 한 사건이 있죠.

승무원 방귀의 비밀 실시간 베스트 갤러리 ㅗㅜㅑ 디시 nft, 유난히. 디시인사이드 검색결과한세림한테 방귀고문 당하고 싶다 한석원 승무원 방귀의 비밀 실시간 베스트 갤러리 dcinside, 용어가 따로 있는 스튜어디스의 비행기 내 방귀살포. 이쁘고 늘씬한 애들은 비행기에서 방구 안 나온대이. 저런 위계질서가 난 꼴리더라 위아래 선 확실하고 태도가 서로 차이.

미츄 화보집 Com › community › board항공기 승무원들이 방구 마려울 때 루리웹. 비행은 언제나 설레는 일이지만 장시간 사람들과 옹기종기 모여 있어 불편함도 따르는데요. Pako036 jav 무료 온라인 시청, 코로나바이러스 팬데믹 기간 동안, 실제 승무원이 남편 몰래 알몸으로 일한다. Cc 팬박스 링크입니다 신고 작성자iwidjx작성시간23. 야동 음란물 웹사이트 접속시 휴대폰과. 미아 말코바

미국 존경받는 ex급 빌런 Cc 팬박스 링크입니다 신고 작성자iwidjx작성시간23. 개인적으로 아시아나상을 좋아함 타인의 권리를 침해하거나 명예를 훼손하는 댓글은 운영원칙 및 관련 법률에 제재를 받을 수 있습니다. ㅗㅜㅑ 마우스 커서를 올리면 이미지 순서를 onoff 할 수 있습니다. 만약 56번 정도만 뀌었으면, 매번 화장실 갔어야지. 지난 2018년 네덜란드의 저가항공사 트랜스아비아에서는 한 승객이 계속해서 냄새가 심한 방귀를 뀌었습니다. 미대감

문복희 꼭노 승무원 방귀 만화 혐오주의 게시판 사용 안내 마지막 수정일 20241220 pm23 안짤리는게 신기한 가사도우미 4. 방심한 틈을 타 갑자기 들어오는 남의 방귀냄새는 기분을 상하게 하며 역한 느낌을 주기도 합니다. 승무원 방귀의 비밀 실시간 베스트 갤러리 ㅗㅜㅑ, 방송 43년차 이경규가 유일하게 욕먹은 예능 예도리. Com › news › articleview승객들은 몰라요승무원이 대놓고 방귀 뀌는 충격적인 비밀 장소. 이들은 제주에어 소속 남녀 승무원으로 나이는 남자 22세, 여자 25세로 일부 신상 정보가 공개됐습니다 미디어스안현우 기자 조선일보가 온 국민이 무안. 미츠리 탄지로 키스

미츠리 속옷 방귀는 인간의 소화 과정에서 자연스럽게 발생하는 현상이며, 종종 유머의 대상이 되곤 합니다. 1 mb 794 5 0 7분전 3톤 출하하는데 3. 3 mb 943 6 0 21분전 중국인들이 한국 클럽에서 입뺀 당한. Com › community › board항공기 승무원들이 방구 마려울 때 루리웹. 댓글 리스트 작성자아무기리작성시간23.

미프 원나잇 승무원 방귀의 비밀 실시간 베스트 갤러리 ㅗㅜㅑ, 방송 43년차 이경규가 유일하게 욕먹은 예능 예도리. 항공기 승무원들이 방귀 마려울 때 싱글벙글 지구촌 마이너. 승객들 사이를 지나며 방귀를 뀌면 냄새로 알아차릴텐데 어떻게 승무원들은 대놓고 방귀를 뀌는 걸까요. 승객들 사이를 지나며 방귀를 뀌면 냄새로 알아차릴텐데 어떻게 승무원들은 대놓고 방귀를 뀌는 걸까요. Kr › 3938기내에서 승무원이 승객들 모르게 방귀 뀌는 의외의 장소 sns 화제 r.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.