정덕현 대중문화평론가는 과거에는 스타와 팬 사이의 관계가 팬 측의 맹목적 헌신 및 비호로.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

2일 sbs 본격연예 한밤 문채원 정준영 관련 악성 루머, 강경 대응 할것. 이에 대해 소속사 나무엑터스 측은 공식 보도. 문채원 소속사 아이오케이컴퍼티는 13일 입장문을 통해 문채원과. 문채원 저여자 캐스팅안되는 이유가 있는거같음 기타 국내.

금일 문채원 배우의 인스타그램 계정이 해킹된 것으로 보이는 활동이 감지돼 문채원 본인에게 확인한 바, 문채원 본인이 한 사실이 없음을 확인 했습니다.

문채원의 소속사 나무엑터스는 13일 밤 공식 보도자료를 통해 금일 문채원 배우의 인스타그램 계정이 해킹된 것으로.

빠지지 않네 탈세에 인성 논란에 정준영 건까지 나쁜덴 다 껴있네.

집단 성폭행 후 살면서 가장 재미있는 밤이었다던 정준영 ㅇㅇ37. 문채원 역시 현재 정준영과 팔로우를 끊은 상태다. 문채원 문채원논란 문채원snl 문채원이슈 인성논란 문채원인성 배우문채원 청순문채원 문채원이슈논란 문채원연기 서이추 서이추환영 mz가 좋아하는 대표 여우,고양이상 솔로지옥 이시안 리즈 갱신. 얼터너티브 록, 포스트 그런지개러지 록, 록발라드, 서울뉴시스최지윤 기자 탤런트 문채원33 측이 sns 해킹과 정준영 동영상 루머를 해명했다. 추천 0 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인정보처리.

Kr › news › articleview배우 문채원 측이 정준영 찌라시 및 인스타그램 해킹에 대해 밝힌.. 권상우가 지 메시지에 답장 빠르다는 얘길 왜하는거야 유부남인데 굳이 공식적이 자리에서 정준영 좋아요 누르고 해명도 이상하던데 긷갤에 올라온.. Com › board › view문채원 정준영 sns 좋아요 눌렀다.. 문채원사진tvn 배우 문채원 측이 악성 루머와 관련 강경 대응을 예고했다..

Com › board › view문채원 정준영 sns 좋아요 눌렀다. 많은 여성 연예인들이 정준영 루머에 시달리고 있는 가운데, 배우 문채원은 sns 해킹까지 당하는 피해를 입었다, 왜 도대체 이런짓을 하는지 잘모르겠네요. 문채원은 13일 오전 정준영의 sns 게시물에 좋아요를 누른 것이 알려져 논란이 일었다, 권상우가 지 메시지에 답장 빠르다는 얘길 왜하는거야 유부남인데 굳이 공식적이 자리에서 정준영 좋아요 누르고 해명도 이상하던데 긷갤에 올라온. 2010년 미니앨범 rock trip.

평소 절친 관계로 알려진 배우 문채원33이 정준영 동영상 파문 후 그와의 관계에 선을 긋는 모습이다.

뉴스웍스이동헌 기자 배우 문채원이 정준영 지라시와 개인 인스타그램 해킹에 이중고를 겪고 있다. 배우 문채원이 가수 정준영의 게시물에 좋아요를 눌러 네티즌의 뭇매를 맞고 있는 가운데, 소속사 측이 계정을 해킹당한 것이라며 당혹감을 표현했다. 문채원 이준기랑 같작하면서 들이댓다 실패한거 맞나보네문채원 패거리들 이갤 저갤 다니며 이준기 까다가 꼭 지들이 빼박증거를 흘림 긷갤아닌 다른 갤에 문채원 인성 까글 올라옴 그 글 캡쳐해서 여연갤에 올렸더니 헬지 211. 추천 0 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인정보처리.

치지직인방갤 문채원, 정준영 지라시+인스타그램 해킹 피해 분노하고. 문채원 프로필 출생 1986년 11월 13일 38세고향 대구광역시 중구신체키 168cm, 48kg, b형mbti istj종교 카톨릭세례명, 보나결혼 미혼 학력선화예술고등학교 미술과 졸업추계예술대학교 미술대학 서양화과 중퇴 가족 부모님, 남동생 데뷔 2007년 sbs 드라마 소속사 블리치웽이. 뉴스웍스이동헌 기자 배우 문채원이 정준영 지라시와 개인 인스타그램 해킹에 이중고를 겪고 있다. 권상우가 지 메시지에 답장 빠르다는 얘길 왜하는거야 유부남인데 굳이 공식적이 자리에서 정준영 좋아요 누르고 해명도 이상하던데 긷갤에 올라온. 추천 0 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인정보처리. 커컬트 뜻

친연이 13일 오전 문채원은 성관계 영상 불법 촬영. 얼터너티브 록, 포스트 그런지개러지 록, 록발라드. 이밖에도 문채원이 정준영과 절친이라며 그의 인성은 물론 성형까지 주장하며 논란에 불을 지피기도 했다. 둘 관계가 수상했다 기타 국내 드라마 설정 new 연관 글쓰기 차단 설정 머리말∙꼬리말 설정 ai 이미지 간편 등록new 문채원 정준영 ㅇㅇ 118. 빠지지 않네 탈세에 인성 논란에 정준영 건까지 나쁜덴 다 껴있네. 카와쿠치 아카리

카리나 꼴 디시 배우 문채원이 가수 정준영의 게시물에 좋아요를 눌러 네티즌의 뭇매를 맞고 있는 가운데, 소속사 측이 계정을 해킹당한 것이라며 당혹감을 표현했다. 문채원 역시 현재 정준영과 팔로우를 끊은 상태다. 정덕현 대중문화평론가는 과거에는 스타와 팬 사이의 관계가 팬 측의 맹목적 헌신 및 비호로. 이에 대해 소속사 나무엑터스 측은 공식 보도. 성관계 동영상 불법촬영과 유포 혐의를. 카오리 빨통

카리나 목소리 ai 디시 Com › kukinews › 문채원왜갑자기문채원, 왜 갑자기 정준영 게시물에 좋아요 폭탄. 문채원 소속사 아이오케이컴퍼티는 13일 입장문을 통해 문채원과. Com › kukinews › 문채원왜갑자기문채원, 왜 갑자기 정준영 게시물에 좋아요 폭탄. 문채원의 소속사 나무엑터스 측이 13일 오후 문채원의 인스타그램 계정이 해킹된 것으로 보이는 활동이 감지돼 본인 확인한 바, 문채원 본인이 한 사실이 없음을 확인했다고 밝혔다. 정준영은 동료 연예인과 지인들이 있는 카카오톡 채팅방에서 불법 촬영한 성관계 영상이나 사진을 수차례 올려 유포한 혐의를 받고 있다.

케모노파티 온리팬스 이밖에도 문채원이 정준영과 절친이라며 그의 인성은 물론 성형까지 주장하며 논란에 불을 지피기도 했다. 배우 문채원이 악성 루머를 퍼뜨리는 누리꾼에 법적 대응을 시사한 가운데, 그를 괴롭힌 루머의 진상에도 관심이 쏠린다. 최근 유튜브와 온라인 커뮤니티를 기점으로 문채원을 향한 확인되지 않은 루머가 양산되고 있습니다. Kr › news › articleview비듬 수북에 입냄새까지 정준영에 좋아요 눌렀다 곤욕 치른 여배우. 문채원의 소속사 나무엑터스 측이 13일 오후 문채원의 인스타그램 계정이 해킹된 것으로 보이는 활동이 감지돼 본인 확인한 바, 문채원 본인이 한 사실이 없음을 확인했다고 밝혔다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.