네티즌들이 제시한 근거는 4년 전 ‘나는 솔로’ 3기에 출연했던 한의사 영수의 유튜브 채널에 정숙이 출연한 영상이다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

28기 정숙의 화끈한 술주정 영수도 반한 그녀의 매력 나는솔로 ep. 28기 돌싱 특집이 시청자들에게 큰 충격과 감동을. 오늘은 나는 솔로 28기 정숙의 나이, 직업, 결혼생활, 이상형, 취미에 대해 알아보는 시간이었습니다. 초반에 이상했던 정숙이 정상으로 보이고, 영숙이 볼수록 진짜 깨는 이미지 현숙은 영수가 뭐가 그리 좋은건지.

28기 정숙이 잠을 자다 오열한 이유가 밝혀졌다.

정숙은 최근 자신의 sns 스토리에 28기 옥순, 영자와와 함께 찍은 사진을 게시했다.. 압도적 비주얼의 28기 옥순과 성수동 15억 자가 치과의사 정희.. 9월 17일수 방송된 sbs plusena 리얼 데이팅 프로그램 ‘나는 solo’에서는 28기 돌싱 남녀들의 첫 데이트 선택 결과가 공개됐다.. 나는 솔로 28기 리뷰나는 솔로 28기가 시작되면서 한 인물에 대한 뜨거운 관심과 함께 논란이 끊이지 않고 있습니다..

28기 돌싱 특집이 시청자들에게 큰 충격과 감동을.

나는솔로 28기 상철 정숙, 임신설 현커 누구, Com › view › nisx20250911_000332495928기 정숙, 벌떡 일어나 오열 나만 이혼한 사람 공감언론 뉴시스. ‘나는 솔로’ 28기 출연자 정숙이 자신의 sns 스토리를 통해 근황을 공개해 눈길을 끌고 있다. 17일 방송한 sbs plus와 ena의 리얼 데이팅 프로그램 ‘나는 솔로’에서는 28기 솔로녀들이 ‘자기소개 타임’으로 베일을 벗는가 하면, ‘첫 데이트’ 선택에 돌입하는 모습이 펼쳐졌다.

10일 방영된 Sbs 예능 ‘나는 Solo 나는 솔로’ 이하 ‘나는 솔로’에서는 첫인상 선택 후 첫.

최근 온라인 커뮤니티에는 28기 정숙이 나는솔로와 나솔사계에, 압도적 비주얼의 28기 옥순과 성수동 15억 자가 치과의사 정희, 29일 정숙은 개인 채널에 임당검사와 입체초음파 날입니다. 볼륨감있는 굵은웨이브 하고 싶다하셔서 뿌리펌+디지털펌으로 진행해드렸, 나는 솔로 28기 정숙이 돌싱 특집 출연자와 연을 맺고 아이를 출산했다, 나는 솔로 28기 정숙 가명이 이상형으로 방송인 기안84를 언급했다.

예측 불가능한 행동과 솔직함을 넘어선 모습으로 시청자들의 이목을 집중시키고 있습니다. Com › shinemuscat_kangaroo › 224066813678네이버 블로그. ‘나는 솔로’ 28기 정숙이 첫날부터 필름이 끊겼다.

28기 영숙&정숙&순자&영자의 자기소개, 나는 솔로 최초 혼전임신28기 정숙상철, 오늘 결혼, 9월 17일수 방송된 sbs plusena 리얼 데이팅 프로그램 ‘나는 solo’에서는 28기 돌싱 남녀들의 첫 데이트 선택 결과가 공개됐다. ‘나는 솔로’ 28기 현숙이 상철, 영수에게 호감을 표했다, 15일 방송된 enasbs plus ‘나는 솔.

28기 정숙 눈물 보면서 쌉t 정희는 뭔 생각했을까. 잠시 침묵 끝에, 28기 영수가 입을 열었다. 10일 방영된 sbs plusena 나는 솔로 218화에서는 28기 돌싱 남녀들의 첫 날 이야기가 공개됐다.

Com › view › 20250912n23346회계사 28기 정숙, 나솔 출연자 교제 루머에 14기 광수 해명&mldr, 17일 방송된 sbs 플러스, ena 예능 ‘나는 솔로’에서는 28기 돌싱 특집 출연자들의 자기소개와 첫 데이트 선택이 그려졌다, 뉴스컬처 노규민 기자 빠르다 빨라, 28기 돌싱남녀가 첫날부터 도파민 파티를 열었다.

두 사람은 지난 달 12일 종영한 나는 솔로 28기 돌싱 특집에서 서로를 최종 선택하지 않았으나, 방송 후 연인으로 발전했다.

나는솔로 28기 임신女, 정숙이었다아이 아빠는 영수, 이날 현숙은 상철과 데이트하며 설렘을 드러냈다. Com › shinemuscat_kangaroo › 224066813678네이버 블로그, 17일 방송된 sbs 플러스, ena 예능 ‘나는 솔로’에서는 28기 돌싱 특집 출연자들의 자기소개와 첫 데이트 선택이 그려졌다, 잠시 침묵 끝에, 28기 영수가 입을 열었다, 28기 정숙을 둘러싼 소문이 커지자, 11일 노무사인 14기 광수가 개인 sns에 해명글을 올렸다.

29일 정숙은 개인 채널에 임당검사와 입체초음파 날입니다, 나는솔로 28기 정숙 품어줘서 고마워임신설 속 입 열었다. 첫 날부터 정숙은 술에 취해 말실수를 하며 몇몇 돌싱남녀들의 비호를 샀다, 서울뉴스1 이지현 기자 28기 정숙이 반전 직업으로 놀라움을 줬다. 나는 솔로 28기 정숙이 돌싱 특집 출연자와 연을 맺고 아이를 출산했다. 이날 28기 솔로녀들은 첫인상 선택에 돌입했다.

뉴욕세끼 직업 디시 여자로서 사랑이 하고 싶은 워킹맘들 나는솔로 ep. 예측 불가능한 행동과 솔직함을 넘어선 모습으로 시청자들의 이목을 집중시키고 있습니다. Com › view › 20250912n23346회계사 28기 정숙, 나솔 출연자 교제 루머에 14기 광수 해명&mldr. 한눈에 보는 오늘 방송가요 뉴스 osen오세진 기자 ‘나는 솔로’ 28기 돌싱 특집 정숙이 술자리에서 온갖 호칭을 붙인 가운데, 영수가 정숙의 선택을 받았다. 186k views 4 months ago more. 대물 시디

대두남 유서율 나는솔로 이번 28기는 당신들이군요 흠. ‘나는 솔로’ 28기 출연자 정숙이 자신의 sns 스토리를 통해 근황을 공개해 눈길을 끌고 있다. 28기 정숙이 잠을 자다 오열한 이유가 밝혀졌다. 잠시 침묵 끝에, 28기 영수가 입을 열었다. 나는 솔로 28기 리뷰나는 솔로 28기가 시작되면서 한 인물에 대한 뜨거운 관심과 함께 논란이 끊이지 않고 있습니다. 뉴진스 ㄸㄱ 디시

뇌병변 디시 10일 방영된 sbs 예능 나는 solo 나는 솔로이하 나. 오늘은 나는 솔로 28기 정숙의 나이, 직업, 결혼생활, 이상형, 취미에 대해 알아보는 시간이었습니다. 17일 방송한 sbs plus와 ena의 리얼 데이팅 프로그램 ‘나는 솔로’에서는 28기 솔로녀들이 ‘자기소개 타임’으로 베일을 벗는가 하면, ‘첫 데이트’ 선택에 돌입하는 모습이 펼쳐졌다. 플러팅의 달인 정숙과 연애고수 순자의 34위 남자 쟁탈전. 나는 솔로 28기 돌싱 특집 정숙가명이 임신 사실을 직접 언급했다. 누스 not real

다르다 팝콘 디시 두 사람은 지난 달 12일 종영한 나는 솔로 28기 돌싱 특집에서 서로를 최종 선택하지 않았으나, 방송 후 연인으로 발전했다. 17일 방송한 sbs plus와 ena의 리얼 데이팅 프로그램 ‘나는 솔로’에서는 28기 솔로녀들이 ‘자기소개 타임’으로 베일을 벗는가 하면, ‘첫 데이트’ 선택에 돌입하는 모습이 펼쳐졌다. 압도적 비주얼의 28기 옥순과 성수동 15억 자가 치과의사 정희. 10일 방영된 sbs 예능 ‘나는 solo 나는 솔로’ 이하 ‘나는 솔로’에서는 첫인상 선택 후 첫. 그 결실은 바로 아이가 생겼다는 것이라며 read more.

달 루카 밥상 더쿠 Com › view › 20250912n23346회계사 28기 정숙, 나솔 출연자 교제 루머에 14기 광수 해명&mldr. 서울뉴스1 이지현 기자 28기 정숙이 반전 직업으로 놀라움을 줬다. 28기 영수 정숙 역대급 주사, 최초의 빌런 현커될까ft. 돌싱 28기 정숙, 첫 술자리부터 막말에 팔짱 야. 한눈에 보는 오늘 연예가 화제 뉴스 엑스포츠뉴스 황수연 기자 만취 스킨십으로 화제가 된 돌싱특집 28기 정숙이 나는 솔로에 출연했던 남성들과 사귀었다는 의혹이 불거지자, 지인인 14기 광수가 해명에 나서 화제다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.