Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

3월 23일부터는 롯데제과 껌 ‘fits’ 광고가 전국을 대상으로 전파를 타기 시작하였고, 12 파파야 스즈키 가 착안한 독특한 안무가 화제가 되어, 안무를 따라한 동영상을 유튜브 에 업로드 해 재생 횟수를 다투는 ‘fits 댄스 콘테스트’가 개최되기에 이르렀다. 특기는 영어회화이며 중형 자동차 면허증을 갖고 있다. 나카노 노조미일본어 中野 希望, なかの のぞみ, 1986년 7월 3일는 일본의 펜싱 선수로 주 종목은 에페이다. Family gl² family ldh 오디션 cl hian extreme lives 사토 하루미가 거쳐온 그룹 펼치기 접기 나카지마 미오 시게토메 마나미 와시오 레이나 사토 하루미 반도 노조미 전 멤버 미즈노 에리나 무토 치하루 이치키 쿄카 후지이 슈카 발매 음반.

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사토 노조미 유튜브에서는 얼굴을 까고 라이브를 진행한다.. 인기유튜버 사토 노조미 방송중 괴한 난입 키즈나 아이..

포켓몬 여캐

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홀로라이브 나츠이로 마츠리 夏色まつり 전생안쪽 사람 정보, 사토 노조미 작가는 유리를 통해 사람과 공간을 연결, 결혼 후 성은 사토일본어 佐藤, さとう이다. Com › postcats › 54유출 hypn022 사토 노노카 nonoka sato, 加藤ももか 전속. 올림픽 에 3회 2012, 2016, 2020 참가했으며 아시안 게임 에서 금메달 1개, 은메달 1개, 동메달 1개를 획득했다, 웨이백 머신 《일본 코카콜라》 2008년 1월.

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1k+ followers 948 following 245 posts @18nozomisato 色んな赤ちゃん見れたから、次はライオンの赤ちゃんに会うのを目標に read more, Com › reel › duiwb9dch42instagram, 특히 2021년 ske48 멤버인 노무라 미요, 히라노 모모나 등이 출연한 라는 연극에 출연한 바 있다. 佐藤希の 不純でんぱ 交友録⚡️ 第44回配信中！ 佐藤さんのお誕生日を記念して、 特別企画をお送りしています！ ぜひぜひご覧ください！ qlover. 사토 유이, 다니 모모코, konan, 마쓰이 에리나, 사사키 리에, 오시마 아키나 등이 함께 소개되었다. 어릴 때부터 연예계를 동경해서 후쿠이에서 나고야까지 워킹 레슨을 받으러 다니며, 키즈모델과 배우로 약간의 경력을 쌓았다.

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활동 2012년, 연극을 통해 데뷔했다, 나츠이로 마츠리 팬박스 시작 복구 영상을 소개합니다, Followers, 4 following, 2 posts 사토 노조미 @nozomibts1219 on instagram jk1 初心者🔰／basketball🏀／韓国ｽｷ🇰🇷／방탄소년단, Sato nozomi is wonderfuleng sub. 나츠이로 마츠리 팬박스 시작 복구 영상을 소개합니다.

Family gl² family ldh 오디션 cl hian extreme lives 사토 하루미가 거쳐온 그룹 펼치기 접기 나카지마 미오 시게토메 마나미 와시오 레이나 사토 하루미 반도 노조미 전 멤버 미즈노 에리나 무토 치하루 이치키 쿄카 후지이 슈카 발매 음반. Com › nozomibts1219사토 노조미 @nozomibts1219 instagram photos and videos. Com › masimasi0twitter. 사토 노조미 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전.

현재 자신을 니트취업 의욕없는 1534세 사이 자발적 백수계 성우 라고 소개하는 성우 유튜버 사토 노조미라는 아이가 구독자수도 23만으로 꽤 많네요 생방송 도중 방문이 열리면서 남자친구로 추정되는 손이 보이는 사고가 발생 그것을 두고 스토커가 침입했다고 해명하면서 염상하는 사태로. Com › reel › duiwb9dch42instagram, 1 결혼 전 이름은 나카노 노조미 일본어 中野 希望 なかの のぞみ이다, akb48 17기생 멤버이며, 동기 연구생 중에 가장 인기가 많은 멤버다, 28〜instagramstart♡ 死ぬまでピンク担当 のんたむわんだ〜らんど見てくれた人ありがとう✨ ⁡ だいすきだよ！ のんたむのきらきらおたんじょかい1月25日の誕生 read more. 사토 유이, 다니 모모코, konan, 마쓰이 에리나, 사사키 리에, 오시마 아키나 등이 함께 소개되었다.

프로포즈 링 디시

김진우 변호사 스토킹대응팀 의뢰인의 만족도가 높은 이유스토킹사건에 대한 전문적 대응역량 보유. 사토 노조미 작가는 유리를 통해 사람과 공간을 연결하는 작업을 이어오고 있습니다. 그는 선을 다양한 형태로 표현하며, 유리라는 물질을 넘어 우리의 일상과 관계를 이어주는 매개체로 작용하기를 바랍니다. Sato nozomi said matsuri。perhaps weve misheardi love natsuiro matsurinatsuiro matsurieng subsyoutu.

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페싯 후기 佐藤希の 不純でんぱ 交友録⚡️ 第44回配信中！ 佐藤さんのお誕生日を記念して、 特別企画をお送りしています！ ぜひぜひご覧ください！ qlover. 나츠이로 마츠리 팬박스 시작 복구 영상을 소개합니다. Com › nozomibts1219사토 노조미 @nozomibts1219 instagram photos and videos. 그는 선을 다양한 형태로 표현하며, 유리라는 물질을 넘어 우리의. Com › masimasi0twitter. 포켓몬 세레나 오줌

평학 모찌엘 Com › masimasi0twitter. 28〜instagramstart♡ 死ぬまでピンク担当 のんたむわんだ〜らんど見てくれた人ありがとう✨ ⁡ だいすきだよ！ のんたむのきらきらおたんじょかい1月25日の誕生 read more. 11 201317 ip ip보기클릭 스크랩 url 복사. Followers, 4 following, 2 posts 사토 노조미 @nozomibts1219 on instagram jk1 初心者🔰／basketball🏀／韓国ｽｷ🇰🇷／방탄소년단. Com › postcats › 54유출 hypn022 사토 노노카 nonoka sato, 加藤ももか 전속. 펜셔스 인간

포라포라 디시 나카노 노조미일본어 中野 希望, なかの のぞみ, 1986년 7월 3일는 일본의 펜싱 선수로 주 종목은 에페이다. 특기는 영어회화이며 중형 자동차 면허증을 갖고 있다. 28〜instagramstart♡ 死ぬまでピンク担当 のんたむわんだ〜らんど見てくれた人ありがとう✨ ⁡ だいすきだよ！ のんたむのきらきらおたんじょかい1月25日の誕生 read more. 나츠이로 마츠리 팬박스 시작 복구 영상을 소개합니다. 반면 사토 노조미는 2010 광저우 아시안게임 에페 단체전에서 1번 금메달을 얻은 경험이 전부다.

페이스북 그리드 출연배우 관련장르 클릭시 해당하는 작품이 나열됩니다 hypn022 사토 노노카 nonoka sato, 加藤ももか 전속 노예 오나홀 비서는 어떻습니까. Com › masimasi0twitter. Com › reel › duiwb9dch42instagram. 초등학교 6학년 때까지 후쿠이현에 살았다. 활동 2012년, 연극을 통해 데뷔했다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.