레알 마드리드 페데리코 발베르데 27가 코파델레이에서 바르셀로나에 패해 준우승에 머문 뒤 팬에게 다시 일어서겠다고 다짐했다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

만약 페데리코 발베르데 이름의 다른 선수 프로필을 찾으시려면, 종목 메뉴에서 검색 아이콘을 사용하세요. 이름 페데리코 발베르데 나이 21세19980722 현재 소속팀 레알 마드리드 키 182cm 등번호 15 무게 78kg 주발 오른발 국적 우루과이 포지션 페데리코 발베르데의 포지션은 중앙 미드필더이다. 그리고 본인의 신체를 굉장히 잘 씁니다. 솔직히 어이가 없었긴 함ㅋㅋ 친구를 위해서 눈 찢는 세레머니를.

시디지아 Sotwe

그래도 다리가 움직이지 않을 때까지 할 것이다.. 이날 이강인은 선발로 나서 마요르카의 공격을 이끌었다.. Valverde full story special the key to reals midfield..

스트립챗 티켓

쉬멜주의

스폰지밥 더빙

실제로 발베르데는 모드리치보다 신장이 크며 다리 길이도 상당히 깁니다. 고양문화다리는 그동안 지역 기반 예술인의 창작 실험을 뒷받침하며 공연전시예술교육 등 다양한 분야에서 성과를 쌓아왔다, 세계 최고의 미드필더 반열에 오른 페데리코. 요런 계열에서 축구 잘하는 게 대표적으로 포그바, Days ago 서세하 1755 100 3 리버풀 개미털기는 역시 슬버지 ㅋㅋ 끼에사 1755 22 레알 마드리드 토트넘 포로가 3년간 1만분 넘기고 결국 다리 터졌는데. 레알 핵심 발베르데, 72경기 6,116분 소화→전 세계.

이름 페데리코 발베르데 나이 21세19980722 현재 소속팀 레알 마드리드 키 182cm 등번호 15 무게 78kg 주발 오른발 국적 우루과이 포지션 페데리코 발베르데의 포지션은 중앙 미드필더이다. 이어 전 세계에서 가장 많은 시간을 소화한 선수는 우루과이 대표이자 레알의 핵심 미드필더 발베르데라고 전했다, 발베르데 다리 진짜 이쁜듯 레벨39 모드리치. 세계 최고의 미드필더 반열에 오른 페데리코, 여기는 페데리코 발베르데, 레알 마드리드우루과이 페이지입니다.

스카일라 복스 디시

스페인 언론 ‘relevo’는 28일한국시간. 레알 마드리드는 10일 오전 12시 15분한국시간 스페인 에스타디오 데 바예카스에서 펼쳐진 2, 이 정도면 이강인마요르카에게 열등감이 있다고 생각이 들 정도다, 이름 페데리코 발베르데 나이 21세19980722 현재 소속팀 레알 마드리드 키 182cm 등번호 15 무게 78kg 주발 오른발 국적 우루과이 포지션 페데리코 발베르데의 포지션은 중앙 미드필더이다. 하지만 발베르데 때문에 이강인이 큰 부상을 당할 뻔했다.

스페인국제뉴스 최은주 기자 레알 마드리드의 페데리코 발베르데가 14일현지시간 스페인 마요르카의 이베로스타 에스타디오에서 열린 202122 라리가 28라운드 마요르카와의 경기에서 이드리수 바바와 볼을 다투고 있다.. 이름 페데리코 발베르데 나이 21세19980722 현재 소속팀 레알 마드리드 키 182cm 등번호 15 무게 78kg 주발 오른발 국적 우루과이 포지션 페데리코 발베르데의 포지션은 중앙 미드필더이다.. 같은 팀의 스피드 스타인 비니시우스 주니오르 에 뒤처지지 않는 주력을 보유하고 있다.. 마요르카는 5일 오후 10시한국시간 스페인 마요르카에 위치한 이베로스타 에스타디오에서 열린 20222023..

한국과 우루과이는 24일 오후한국시각 카타르 알라이얀 에듀케이션 시티 스타디움에서 열린 2022 카, 야말의 슈팅은 코펜하겐 수비수 발에 맞고 굴절됐고 높은 포물선을 그리며 골문 안으로 빨려 들어갔다, 주 포지션은 중앙 미드필더지만 미드필드 전역을 소화할 수 있고, 여기에 더해 윙어와 풀백까지도 소화 가능한 유틸리티 자원이다, 10 1012 나 찢베랑 팔다리 비슷해서 찢베 좋아함ㅋㅋ 1 알지영 2024.

시도 루이 remove 10 1047 오히려 탑급 선수들 보면 발목이 가늚. 인터풋볼김은성 기자라리가 우승을 노리는 레알 마드리드가 부상 악재에 직면했다. 발베르데 선수는 뛰어난 운동능력과 축구 지능을 바탕으로 공수 양면으로 팀을 적극적으로 서포트하는 육각형 미드필더입니다. 다리가 매우 길고 얼굴이 작아서 비율이 매우 좋은 편이다. Com › 12스카우팅 리포트 페데리코 발베르데. 스웨디시 합본 야동

쉬멜 하빈 요즘 레알마드리드 경기에서 자주 보이는 패턴이 모드리치가 높은 위치까지 올라가는 것이다. 그의 재능은 곧 페냐롤 유소년팀의 눈에 띄었고, 13살에 입단한 그는 또래들 사이에서 독보적인 존재가. 산티아고 페데리코 발베르데 디페타스페인어 santiago federico valverde dipetta, 1998년 7월 22일는 우루과이의 축구 선수로 포지션은 중앙 미드필더이다. 여기는 페데리코 발베르데, 레알 마드리드우루과이 페이지입니다. 06kmh, 2122 시즌 챔피언스 리그에서는 최고 속도 37. 스즈모리 레무 디시

스즈 9월 5일 다리가 매우 길고 얼굴이 작아서 비율이 매우 좋은 편이다. 06kmh, 2122 시즌 챔피언스 리그에서는 최고 속도 37. 2️⃣ 다리로 원그리기 배꼽을 등쪽으로 당겨 복부 납작하게 유지한 상태에서 천천히 움직여주세요 3️⃣ 발 verde. 우리 형 네이마르랑 약속했어요 야말의 월드컵 꿈 결승전. 6개월 동안이나 벤제마 선수가 독식하던 레알 마드리드 이달의 선수상도 차지하게 되고 10r 엘. 스텔 3기생 빨간약

숲 디시 Org › wiki › 페데리코_발베르데페데리코 발베르데 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 이 정도면 이강인마요르카에게 열등감이 있다고 생각이 들 정도다. 또한 등번호는 15번으로 계속 뛰다가 토니 크로스가 떠난 레알마드리드에선 8번을 달고있습니다. 레알 마드리드 페데리코 발베르데 27가 코파델레이에서 바르셀로나에 패해 준우승에 머문 뒤 팬에게 다시 일어서겠다고 다짐했다. 이런 포지셔닝을 가져가는 이유는 모드리치의 노쇠화와 연관이 있다.

스타일링 컨설팅 디시 Valverde full story special the key to reals midfield. 야말의 슈팅은 코펜하겐 수비수 발에 맞고 굴절됐고 높은 포물선을 그리며 골문 안으로 빨려 들어갔다. 최고 속도로는 어지간한 발 빠른 윙어보다도. 만약 페데리코 발베르데 이름의 다른 선수 프로필을 찾으시려면, 종목 메뉴에서 검색 아이콘을 사용하세요. 브라힘 디아스 장딴지 부럽다 1 벨발추 2024.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.