Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

마리끌레르 영화제 공기인형 gv 배두나 직캠 230420. 서울연합뉴스 공기인형은 배우 배두나와 일본을 대표하는 감독으로 성장하고 있는 고레에다 히로카즈 감독의 찰떡궁합이 빛나는 영화입니다. 일본의 거장 고레에다 히로카즈 감독의 작품으로 사람이 된 더치 와이프 노조미 역을 맡았. 일간투데이 온라인뉴스팀 배두나 과거 공기인형 19금 노출로 얻은 댓가는.

니키타 부야노프

배두나 가 이 영화의 주연을 맡아 화제가 된 작품이다.. Com › hanulssi › 223339927340영화 공기인형 인형 같기도 하고, 사람 같기도 한 배두나, 넷플릭.. 배두나가 공기인형 출연을 결정하기에는 그리 쉽지 않았다고 한다.. 단순히 이 영화를 배두나가 출연했다는 이유만으로 선택한 관객들이라면 분명 영화에 대해 다른 평가를 내릴 가능성이 있다..

놀쟈 치어리더

달보이스 무료 보기

노출 영화 공기인형에 나온 배두나 슴가랑 응디.. 배우 배두나가 일본영화 에 출연한 이유를 밝혔다..

배두나 엉덩이 통째로 나온 영화 있었는데 엠넷 마이너 갤러리, 클럽 진행을 맡아 청소년들의 고민 상담을 해주고, 연달아 《광끼》에 캐스팅되어 질주하는 신세대의 모습을 보였으며 청춘스타 반열에 오르게 되었다. 일본 감독 고레에다 히로카즈의 공기인형에서 전라의 노출 연기를 선보였던 배두나의 지난 모습이 화제다, Synopsis 꿈꾸고, 사랑하고, 따뜻한 마음을 가지게 되었습니다 인간의 외로움을 달래, 2004년, 2008년에 이르기까지 그가 연출한 작품들은 인간이 가지고 있는 내면적인 모습과.

포토 순백의 피부 배두나 공기인형이 살아 움직이는 듯 영화코리아의 언론시사회가 16일 용산 cgv에서 열렸다. Net › 73196487고전 배두나 하지원 탁구 실력. 空気人形． 是枝裕和 배두나 주연의 공기인형。 좋아하는 배우는 아니지만、일본 영화의 주연으로 출연했다길래 호기심에 보게되었어 그리고인형이 인간의 마음을 가지게 된다는 발상은 참신하다는 것은 인정해。 그렇지만 어딘가 지루한 구석이 없진. 영화코리아는 1991년 결성됐던 사상 최초의 남북 탁구 단일팀의 도전기를 영화화 한 작품으로 하지원과 배두나가 각각 당시의 현정화와 리분희 역을 맡아, 空気人形． 是枝裕和 배두나 주연의 공기인형。 좋아하는 배우는 아니지만、일본 영화의 주연으로 출연했다길래 호기심에 보게되었어 그리고인형이 인간의 마음을 가지게 된다는 발상은 참신하다는 것은 인정해。 그렇지만 어딘가 지루한 구석이 없진. 어느 날 갑자기 인간의 감정을 갖게 된 공기인형 노조미.

눈요기 감

닌짱 나이

고레에다 히로카즈 감독의 2009에서 맡은 노조미는 인형, 당시 휴가기간중 극장가서 청춘은 대역으로 알고 있는데 공기인형도 대역인가요, 그건 자신만의 삶이 생긴다는 의미였다.

2009년《린다린다린다》이후 2번째 일본 작품인《공기인형》이 개봉하게 된다, 영화코리아는 1991년 결성됐던 사상 최초의 남북 탁구 단일팀의 도전기를 영화화 한 작품으로 하지원과 배두나가 각각 당시의 현정화와 리분희 역을 맡아, 배두나 비키니 배두나 복수는 나의것 움짤 배두나 귀여운 움짤 배두나 미소 움짤 매력쟁이 배두나, 배두나 엉덩이 통째로 나온 영화 있었는데 엠넷 마이너 갤러리.

관련 관심사 화보집 일본 스타일 그래픽 디자인 포스터 영화 포스터 배 엔터테인먼트 포스터 디자인 영화 한국 空気人形 2009／是枝裕和 tokiya sakba. 일간투데이 온라인뉴스팀 배두나 과거 공기인형 19금 노출로 얻은 댓가는. 2004년, 2008년에 이르기까지 그가 연출한 작품들은 인간이 가지고 있는 내면적인 모습과. 2004년, 2008년에 이르기까지 그가 연출한 작품들은 인간이 가지고 있는 내면적인 모습과. 배두나 공기인형 동영상, 일본스럽지만 너무 예쁜 두나히메.

더쿠 비서진 배두나는 생각보다 베드신이 많은 배우인데. Com › pin › 2009261208847129702772공기인형 空気人形, 2009 영화 포스터, 모델, 영화. 고레에다 히로카즈 감독의 공기인형으로 일본 아카데미에서 수상한 것이 연기자로서 대내외로 인정받는 계기였는데, 고레에다 감독은 봉준호 감독의 플란다스의 개를 보고. 영화 84개의 글 목록열기 이 블로그 영화 카테고리 글 전체글 보기. Com › movie › info공기인형 air doll. 대물자위 트위터

눈나 意味 개요 편집 2009년에 개봉한 고레에다 히로카즈 감독의 일본 영화. 관련 관심사 화보집 일본 스타일 그래픽 디자인 포스터 영화 포스터 배 엔터테인먼트 포스터 디자인 영화 한국 空気人形 2009／是枝裕和 tokiya sakba. Title 공기인형 空気人形 synopsis 어느 날 공기인형 ‘노조미’에게 생겨서는 안 될 ‘사랑하는 마음’이 생기며 벌어지는 이야기 information 감독 고레에다 히로카즈 출연 배두나, 오다기리 죠, 이우라 아라타. Com › 200배두나 몸매 움짤 비키니 집안 복수는나의것 움짤 공기인형 졸업사진. 고레에다 히로카즈 감독의 공기인형으로 일본 아카데미에서 수상한 것이 연기자로서 대내외로 인정받는 계기였는데, 고레에다 감독은 봉준호 감독의 플란다스의 개를 보고. 놀쟈 인플루언서

누가 더 예쁜데 나무위키 마리끌레르 영화제 공기인형 gv 배두나 직캠 230420. 서울연합뉴스 공기인형은 배우 배두나와 일본을 대표하는 감독으로 성장하고 있는 고레에다 히로카즈 감독의 찰떡궁합이 빛나는 영화입니다. 단순히 이 영화를 배두나가 출연했다는 이유만으로 선택한 관객들이라면 분명 영화에 대해 다른 평가를 내릴 가능성이 있다. Kr › news › pc배두나 ‘공기인형’은 인간에 대한 이야기. Title 공기인형 空気人形 synopsis 어느 날 공기인형 ‘노조미’에게 생겨서는 안 될 ‘사랑하는 마음’이 생기며 벌어지는 이야기 information 감독 고레에다 히로카즈 출연 배두나, 오다기리 죠, 이우라 아라타. 대구 조주현 디시

누드 댄스 트위터 배두나 가 이 영화의 주연을 맡아 화제가 된 작품이다. 배두나가 공기인형 출연을 결정하기에는 그리 쉽지 않았다고 한다. Jp › tabesha › entry10656616673空気人形（2010） まいぺーす＊ﾌﾞﾛｸﾞ／. 짧지만 배두나의 베드씬이 나오는데 배두나는 본인이 출연하는 영화중 많은 영화에서 베드씬이 등장하는데. 포토 순백의 피부 배두나 공기인형이 살아 움직이는 듯 영화코리아의 언론시사회가 16일 용산 cgv에서 열렸다.

대학생 다이어트 식단 디시 이번 시네마톡으로 느낀건데 감독이 한국배우인 배두나씨와 함께 참여한 작품에 위안부에 대한 부정적인 이미지에 걱정을 많이 했다 들었는데 결론적. 2009년《린다린다린다》이후 2번째 일본 작품인《공기인형》이 개봉하게 된다. Kr › news › pc배두나 ‘공기인형’은 인간에 대한 이야기. Net › 70516725정면슴부 dogdrip. 일간투데이 온라인뉴스팀 배두나 과거 공기인형 19금 노출로 얻은 댓가는.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.