Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

벚꽃이 피는 시기에 행해지는 「지금 나키진손 구스크 벚꽃 축제」는 환상적인 빛으로 성벽을 비추어 저녁 벚꽃을 즐기실 수 있는 이벤트입니다. 쿠메 섬 久米島, くめじま은 오키나와 섬 나하 시에서 서쪽으로 약 100km 떨어진 곳에 위치한 오키나와 제도 에 속하는 섬에서 가장 서쪽에 위치한 섬이다. 낭만고양이 27일간 일본이야기 3탄 오키나와현 쿠메지마 久米島, kumezima 배타고 여행간 이야기를 해드리려고 합니다. Com › postview일본 자유여행오키나와현 쿠메지마 久米島, kumezima 배타고 여.

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Com › yegas0704 › 223773669845구메지마의 자연과 문화를 충분히 느낄 관광지 네이버 블로그.. 일본 제일의 높이 300m의 빌딩 아베노 하루카스의 전망대로, 58층, 59층, 60층의 3층 구조로 되어 있습니다.. 추천은 쿠메지마 콩나물이 가득한 쇠고기 콩나물 소바입니다..

섬 전체가 현립 자연공원으로 지정되어 있을 만큼 자연이 풍부하고, 류큐 왕조 시대에는 수많은 섬들 중에서도 가장 아름답다고 불렸을 정도예요, 액티비티비티 46개의 글 목록열기 이 블로그 액티비티비티 카테고리 글, 쿠메지마공항 久米島空港 공항코드ueo은 오키나와현 沖縄県 시마지리군 島尻郡 구메지마초 久米島町에 있는 지방관리 공항으로 1963년에 건설되어 1965년부터 민간항공이 운항이 개시되었습니다, 일본 자유여행오키나와현 쿠메지마久米島, kumezima, 쿠메지마로 가는 교통편은 2가지가 있습니다.

현장에서 장르의 술은 물론, 소프트 드링크에도 힘을 넣고 있습니다. 5시간스노클링2～5월 한정｜일반인 출입이 불가능한 모즈쿠 양식장에서 스노클링♪ ＜6세～참가 가능＞모즈쿠 어부들의 수확 작업을 가까이서 관찰. 장비 대여 무료갓 잡은 모즈쿠도 먹을 수 있을지도.

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2025년 구메지마 추천 완벽 가이드 12월 업데이트 트립닷컴.. 오키나와의 대표 술인 아와모리는 쌀, 보리, 고구마.. 많은 인원이 함께 요리하면 만드는 시간도 즐거운 추억이 되니, 가끔은 외식을 멈추고 직접 요리해보는 것도 좋답니다.. Com › postview일본 자유여행오키나와현 쿠메지마 久米島, kumezima 배타고 여..

일본 레스토랑에 대한 상세 정보메뉴, 지도 등와 사용자가 게시한 리뷰, 평점. 반딧불 보호를 목적으로 2000년에 개관한 이 시설에서는 반딧불뿐만 아니라 반딧불을 둘러싼 자연 환경과 반딧불과 관련이 깊은 곤충과 새 등 많은. 쿠메지마 액티비티 목록 navitime travel. 빨리가는 경비행기를 이용하는 방법 나하공항에서 30분정도 소요, 비용10만원. 구메지마 특유의 신선한 해산물과 오키나와 요리에서 클래식한 선술집 메뉴까지 다양한 요리를 준비하고 있습니다. 제목 길이 때문에 『어쩐지저녁』등의 약칭으로 불리는 경우가 많다.

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지금까지 누적 45만 명 이상의 고객이 예약한 쿠메지마 투어만 해도 많은참여 실적를 자랑합니다. 일본 자유여행오키나와현 쿠메지마久米島, kumezima. 추천은 쿠메지마 콩나물이 가득한 쇠고기 콩나물 소바입니다, 밤의 관내와 주변의 숲과 강을 라이트의 불빛에만 의존 탐구합니다.

구메지마 섬의 저녁 식사를 즐겨보자. 제목 길이 때문에 『어쩐지저녁』등의 약칭으로 불리는 경우가 많다. 오키나와의 술하면 유명한 아와모리 증류소주 같은 술입니다만 그 중에서도 제일 유명한 술이 쿠메잔 이라는 술입니다read more, 오키나와현 쿠메지마久米島, kumezima 배타고 여행간 이야기를 해드리려고 합니다, 인구 1만 명 미만으로 행정상으로는 섬 전체가 오키나와현 시마지리군 쿠메지마 정에 속한다.

hitomi exhibitionism 섬의 동쪽 근해에 위치한 하테노 해변을 비롯하여. 다이빙 등 해양레저관광산업이 유명하다. 오키나와현 쿠메지마久米島, kumezima 배타고 여행간 이야기를 해드리려고 합니다. 구메지마 특유의 신선한 해산물과 오키나와 요리에서 클래식한 선술집 메뉴까지 다양한 요리를 준비하고 있습니다. 구메지마 섬의 저녁 식사를 즐겨보자. hentaierome

hiyobi.comorg 쿠메지마의 여름은 섬을 둘러싼 바다의 계절. 쿠메 섬 久米島, くめじま은 오키나와 섬 나하 시에서 서쪽으로 약 100km 떨어진 곳에 위치한 오키나와 제도 에 속하는 섬에서 가장 서쪽에 위치한 섬이다. 주소：오키나와현 시마지리군 쿠메지마쵸 오하라8031 주차장：있음 80대 무료 예약 불필요 호텔 기본 정보를 볼. 크래프트 코 쿠・세토우치 레몬크래프트 진저・쿠메지마. 사이프레스 리조트 쿠메지마（cypress resort kumejima） 리뷰 평균 4. hitomi pa

hitomi 오크 구니가미 마을의 피셔맨스 다이닝에서 점심 식사를 즐겨보세요. 섬 전체가 현립 자연공원으로 지정되어 있을 만큼 자연이 풍부하고, 류큐 왕조 시대에는 수많은 섬들 중에서도 가장 아름답다고 불렸을 정도예요. 현장에서 장르의 술은 물론, 소프트 드링크에도 힘을 넣고 있습니다. 2025년 구메지마 추천 완벽 가이드 12월 업데이트 트립닷컴. 쿠메지마야 쿠메지마 정센베이 의 식당 정보는 tabelog 확인하세요. hrenit erome

hitomi paofan 제9회 나키진손 구스크 벚꽃 축제 오키나와호텔 예약ots. 이 가이드는 1월에 마지막으로 업데이트되었습니다. 후쿠오카현 아카사카・야쿠인・히라오 주변 이자카야 tsuchi. 에메랄드그린 빛 바다와 흰 모래사장의. 후쿠오카현 아카사카・야쿠인・히라오 주변 이자카야 tsuchi.

how to use iqos originals duo 오키나와의 술하면 유명한 아와모리 증류소주 같은 술입니다만 그 중에서도 제일 유명한 술이 쿠메잔 이라는 술입니다read more. 지금까지 누적 45만 명 이상의 고객이 예약한 쿠메지마 투어만 해도 많은참여 실적를 자랑합니다. 트립닷컴이 선별한 구메지마의 최신 여행 뉴스와 사진을 만나보세요. 2025년 구메지마 추천 완벽 가이드 12월 업데이트 트립닷컴. 일본 자유여행오키나와현 쿠메지마久米島, kumezima.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.