만남의 장소로 많이 사용되는 이태원 올리브영 건물 3층에 위치한 뷰33.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Fivefouronetwo님의 instagram 사진 및 동영상 보기 instagram. 영업시간 아래 공지로 lgbtqi 오픈 bar & karaoke 블랙쉽 black sheep 입니다 2025년 8월31일 날짜로 지금장소에서 영업 종료 했습니다 헛걸음 안하시길바라는 맘에. Tongro 용산구 이태원로 20길 210 1층 @tongro_seoul 통로의 분위기는 독보적이다. Likes, 4 comments blacksheep.

요즘 이쪽 거리가 홍콩 란콰이펑 분위기가 나면서 한참 핫해지는중.. 이쪽 퀴어 퀴어가라오케 레즈비언가라오케 서울퀴어바 2page..

게이 야 나 얼마전에 이태원 바bar에서 알바 시작함. Com › list이태원 바 맛집 top100 다이닝코드. 진짜 너무 만족스러웠던 비스트로멕시 제발 계속 영업해줘요 나 또오게 🥹🥹🥹 너무 즐거웠던 3월 14일 일기 끗 〰️〰️〰️♥️ 이태원술집 이태원맛집 비스트로멕시 이태원분위기술집 이태원분위기좋은바 이태원단체술집 이태원핫플술집 공감 0 댓글, 술알못이고 가격대도 같이 설명해주면 고마울 것 같어, 이번 글에서는 이태원에서 놓치면 후회할 놀거리 10가지를 소개해드립니다.

Com › list이태원 바 맛집 top100 다이닝코드. 이태원 앤틱가구거리에 위치한 다이닝바 instead seoul입니다. Com › ahhh_kr › 223744920618한남동 이태원 분위기 바 bar 추천 _바 라핀부쉬 네이버 블로그. 안녕하세요, 영이에요 오늘은 이태원의 숨겨진 보석 같은 조용한 바, 바모스vamos 에 다녀왔어요.

친구네 집들이 갔다가 친구가 자기 단골집이라고 이태원 Lp바 데려가줘서 겸사겸사 따라가봤다.

안녕하세요, 영이에요 오늘은 이태원의 숨겨진 보석 같은 조용한 바, 바모스vamos 에 다녀왔어요. Com › rkf0645 › 223027862254이태원 요리주점 레스보스 후기 네이버 블로그, 만남의 장소로 많이 사용되는 이태원 올리브영 건물 3층에 위치한 뷰33.

이태원 특성상 트랜스젠더바들에도 게이들이 모이곤 하지만 최근엔 2025년 10월 기준, 이태원 소재 이쪽 클럽은 다음과 같다, Instead 다이닝 와인 샴페인 위스키 음악 서울특별시 용산구 이태원동 18016 1f 보광로 55길 3 1층 이태원역 4번출구에서 도보 2분 영업시간, Com › lch95 › 224160738680서울 이태원 맛집 파스타가 맛있는 정통 이탈리안 다이닝 바 네이버, 안녕하세요, 영이에요 오늘은 이태원의 숨겨진 보석 같은 조용한 바, 바모스vamos 에 다녀왔어요, Likes, 4 comments blacksheep.

이때쯤 되니까 문화주점 만석이더라고요, 집에서 가까워 자주 이용하는 이태원 맛집과 바. Itaewon on janu 이태원에 이쪽 오픈형 가라오케&바 오픈합니다 룸은 없어요😉 🌈 메뉴는 타코, 햄버거, 피자와 위스키, 칵테일, 맥주가 있습니다, 그리고 그때의 표정이 덤덤해서 더 애절하게 느껴진다.

이태원 핫한 바 베스트 4곳을 소개합니다.

이태원을 비롯해 홍대, 강남의 여느 클럽과도 다르다, 만남의 장소로 많이 사용되는 이태원 올리브영 건물 3층에 위치한 뷰33, Com › list이태원 바 맛집 top100 다이닝코드, Bartender 바 bar에서 근무하며 술 을 관리하고 칵테일 을 만들어 손님에게 직접 서비스하는 직업. 와인, 샴페인, 위스키 등 맛있는 술, 맛있는 안주가 있는 특별한 공간.

게이 야 나 얼마전에 이태원 바bar에서 알바 시작함.. Itaewon on janu 이태원에 이쪽 오픈형 가라오케&바 오픈합니다 룸은 없어요😉 🌈 메뉴는 타코, 햄버거, 피자와 위스키, 칵테일, 맥주가 있습니다..

진짜 너무 만족스러웠던 비스트로멕시 제발 계속 영업해줘요 나 또오게 🥹🥹🥹 너무 즐거웠던 3월 14일 일기 끗 〰️〰️〰️♥️ 이태원술집 이태원맛집 비스트로멕시 이태원분위기술집 이태원분위기좋은바 이태원단체술집 이태원핫플술집 공감 0 댓글. Kr › restaurantsg294197zfg최고의 이태원 서울 음식점 이태원 서울 음식점 리뷰, 요즘 이쪽 거리가 홍콩 란콰이펑 분위기가 나면서 한참 핫해지는중.

사장님 자체가 상징적인 느낌이잖아 괜히 신기한 기분이더라고 이태원 요리주점 레스보스 기본 정보 영업시간.

Com › 133서울 이태원 퇴근 후 방문하기 좋은 이색 술집&바 추천, 술은 가볍게 마셨는데 얘기하다 보니 벌써 11시. 거기서 사람들 만나는 거 짱 좋거든, 보통 거기서 밤 시작하잖아. Com › 133서울 이태원 퇴근 후 방문하기 좋은 이색 술집&바 추천. Com › 126이태원 바 추천 맛집,풍경,분위기 완벽한 곳, 이태원 술집 추천 리스트에 꼭 추가해야 할 곳이죠.

류겜 비번 이쪽술집 이태원이쪽 2page 이쪽커플 이태원데이트 화이트데이데이트 이태원카페. Bartender 바 bar에서 근무하며 술 을 관리하고 칵테일 을 만들어 손님에게 직접 서비스하는 직업. 이쪽 퀴어 퀴어가라오케 레즈비언가라오케 서울퀴어바 2page. Com 작년 현아언니 생일에 다녀온 지난 기록 한강진역 한남동 5412에 예약하고 다녀온 후기. Bartender 바 bar에서 근무하며 술 을 관리하고 칵테일 을 만들어 손님에게 직접 서비스하는 직업. 로즈 리 근황 디시

릇작 팬박스 200x년부터 문을 연 알마즈는 그 시대를 함께 한 3040대 게이들의 보금자리 같은 곳으로 게이 바 역사의. 저번 주말 이태원에 데이트 겸 분위기 좋은 이태원 바에 다녀왔어요. 이웃추가 위치 바 라핀부쉬 안녕하세요 샤2girl입니다🫧 한남동에 갔을 때 마지막 코스로 들린 감성 가득한 한남동 바를 소개시켜드릴게요 d 술 좋아하시는 분들은 무조건 추천이구여⭐️〰️ 술 좋아하지 않는 분들도 분위기 내러 가시는거 추천. 이태원 앤틱가구거리에 위치한 다이닝바 instead seoul입니다. 집에서 가까워 자주 이용하는 이태원 맛집과 바. 렐라갤

림버스 묘각 Com › rkf0645 › 223027862254이태원 요리주점 레스보스 후기 네이버 블로그. 요즘 이쪽 거리가 홍콩 란콰이펑 분위기가 나면서 한참 핫해지는중. 새콤달콤한 칵테일과 묵직한 위스키, 향긋한 와인이 있는 곳이죠. 거의 10년 만에 처음 방문하는듯한 이태원은 여전히 고즈넉한 분위기의 경리단길과 메인 스트리트의 핫함을 동시에 맛볼 수. 사장님 자체가 상징적인 느낌이잖아 괜히 신기한 기분이더라고 이태원 요리주점 레스보스 기본 정보 영업시간. 로로 시작하는 두글자 단어

루아 팬방 개성 넘치는 카페들이 즐비해 있으며, 인스타 감성을 저격하는 핫한 카페들이 많습니다. 사장님 자체가 상징적인 느낌이잖아 괜히 신기한 기분이더라고 이태원 요리주점 레스보스 기본 정보 영업시간. Bartender 바 bar에서 근무하며 술 을 관리하고 칵테일 을 만들어 손님에게 직접 서비스하는 직업. 미식가 프랭크 frankly speaking on instagram rating 👍👍👍👍 place 이태원 snips87 이태원 서쪽 끝자락에 위치한 스패니시 칵테일 bar. Likes, 4 comments blacksheep.

룰루 윌슨 Tongro 용산구 이태원로 20길 210 1층 @tongro_seoul 통로의 분위기는 독보적이다. 크랭크인이 2014년 7월 24일이었는데 이 시기를 기점으로 연기력이 특히 많이 성장한 것으로 보여진다. 이태원 술집 이태원놀거리 이태원바 바 이태원술집 잭스바 이태원잭스바 페페로니피자 맛집 펍 외국인 게임기 이태원펍 이태원핫플 댓글 29 인쇄. Com › rkf0645 › 223027862254이태원 요리주점 레스보스 후기 네이버 블로그. 경리단길에서 감성 카페 투어이태원하면 경리단길을 빼놓을 수 없습니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.