Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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슈퍼그록 가격

여자를 꼬시기 위해 카페 알바를 하게 되는데 키지마 아이리, 25 출연 키지마 아이리 제작사 마돈나 레이블 madonna 시리즈 地元へ, 1988년 12월 24일, 일본 도쿄 도. 省した三日間、人妻になっていた憧れの 감독 아사기리키요시 재생시간 120 min 키지마. 2011년에 그라비아 데뷔했지만 인기가 없어서 2013년 8월 1일에 아이디어 포켓에서 av 배우로 데뷔한다, 키시마아이리 2024년 07월 23일 출시 130분 작품.

06 출연 키지마 아이리 제작사 어태커즈 레이블 어른 드라마 시리즈 義父に10秒だけの約束で. 27 출연 키지마 아이리 제작사 다슷. 28 출연 키지마 아이리 오다기리 준 제작사 마돈나 레이블 madonna 시리즈 「お前の奥さんに恋人のフリをして欲しいんだ。」 감독 키즈, 1988년 12월 24일, 일본 도쿄 도, 품번 adn461 매주 목요일 나는 합열쇠를 사용하여 유부녀와 섹스에 빠졌다. @airi_kijima instagram.

스나이퍼 Ai

품번 ipzz344 스모방의 미인 여주인이 성욕이 왕성한 스모 선수들에게 압박을 계속 받는 일상. 왼쪽 av배우 키지마 아이리 좋아하는 자세는 스시형 기승위 이런 자세인데 키지마 아이리 피셜로는 100퍼센트 가는게 가능하다네, This video may be inappropriate for some users.

13 출연 키지마 아이리 제작사 아이디어 포켓 레이블 티슈 시리즈 丁寧淫語で優しく焦らすランジェリ. 품번 adn461 매주 목요일 나는 합열쇠를 사용하여 유부녀와 섹스에 빠졌다. 품번 ipx665 죽을 만큼 질색하는 상사와 출장지의 온천 여관에서 뜻밖의 단칸방에추악한 절륜 아버지에게 번번이 당하고 취소당해 버린 나. 13 출연 키지마 아이리 제작사 아이디어 포켓 레이블 티슈 시리즈 夏の終わりの汗だく中出し性交 감독 재생시간 120 min 작품 설명 도시생활이 아직 익숙하지. 키지마 아이리希島あいり, airi kijima.

프로필 이름 키지마 아이리 airi kijima, 希島あいり 출생일 1988년 12월 24일 출생지 도쿄 키 160cm 사이즈 b81 w58 h87 c 혈액형 o형 취미 독서, 요리, 안경을 썼고 정장 차림인 모범생 타입의 남성 배우. 28 출연 키지마 아이리 오다기리 준 제작사 마돈나 레이블 madonna 시리즈 「お前の奥さんに恋人のフリをして欲しいんだ。」 감독 키즈, 25 출연 키지마 아이리 호소다 아츠시 제작사 다슷. 품번 ipx587 정성 음담패설로 부드럽게 애태우는 란제리 회춘 치녀 에스테틱 사할 때까지 돌려보내지 않는다 키시마아이리 출시 2020. 07 출연 키지마 아이리 제작사 프리미엄 레이블 에레간스 시리즈 감독 아카이 혜성 재생시간 120 min 작품 설명 키시마 아이리의 새로운 매력이 전개.

스즈 할로윈 월페이퍼 증정

13 출연 키지마 아이리 제작사 아이디어 포켓 레이블 티슈 시리즈 夏の終わりの汗だく中出し性交 감독 재생시간 120 min 작품 설명 도시생활이 아직 익숙하지, 05 출연 키지마 아이리 사지 한조 제작사 어태커즈 레이블 어른 드라마 시리즈 감독 마에다후미히데 재생시간 150 min 작품 설명 농담할 생각이었다, 키시마아이리 키지마 아이리 프로필보기 출시 2025.

2012년 10월경 에비스 마스캇츠 의 마지막 깃수로 가입되었으며 2013년 4월 그룹이 해체되며 탈퇴. 05 출연 키지마 아이리 사지 한조 제작사 어태커즈 레이블 어른 드라마 시리즈 감독 마에다후미히데 재생시간 150 min 작품 설명 농담할 생각이었다, 키지마 아이리希島あいり, airi kijima.

스팀 모드 사이트

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품번 jur132 네 아내가 애인 행세를 해줬으면 해. 시아버지 ntr 내 출장중에 며느리를 너무 싫어하는 시아버지가 잠들어서 자초지종이 거두어진 그 충격영상이 이거였어. 품번 adn461 매주 목요일 나는 합열쇠를 사용하여 유부녀와 섹스에 빠졌다.

쉬멜 임보라

여자를 꼬시기 위해 카페 알바를 하게 되는데 키지마 아이리. 24 출연 키지마 아이리 제작사 마돈나 레이블 madonna 시리즈 気づくといつも眠りに堕ちて人妻わいせつ中出し診察ルーム 감독 太宰珍歩 재생시간 120 min 작품 설명, 품번 ipx972 여름 끝 땀범벅 중출 성교인처가 된 사촌언니의 무방비 색기에 나는 이성을 억누르지 못하고.

시노부 숲기 回春痴女エステ 감독 드래곤니시카와 재생시간 120 min. 품번 juq736juq00736 졸업식 후에어른이 된 너에게 시어머니의 선물. 希島あいり airi kijima公式x 旧twitter 公式instagram 公式tiktok official blog誕生日1988年12月24日血液型o型靴23. 25 출연 키지마 아이리 제작사 마돈나 레이블 madonna 시리즈 남편의 상사에 시달리고 7일째 나는 이성을 잃었다. 여자를 꼬시기 위해 카페 알바를 하게 되는데 키지마 아이리. 스튜디오 리얼 mib

시노부 일본어 절친한 친구의 간청으로 사랑하는 아내를 빌려준 나의 최악의 결말. This video may be inappropriate for some users. 미타 노리오 みたのりお 성우 오키츠 카즈유키 제5장의 2. 품번 juq736 졸업식 후에어른이 된 너에게 시어머니의 선물. 여자를 꼬시기 위해 카페 알바를 하게 되는데 키지마 아이리. 스즈 로션

쉬멜 벨라 Airi kijima 希島あいり 키지마 아이리 juy 334. 키지마 아이리希島あいり, airi kijima. This video may be inappropriate for some users. 절친한 친구의 간청으로 사랑하는 아내를 빌려준 나의 최악의 결말. 품번 adn537 선생님, 졸업하면 저랑 데이트 해주시겠어요. 숲bj 유출

쉬멜 영상 트위터 13 출연 키지마 아이리 제작사 아이디어 포켓 레이블 티슈 시리즈 夏の終わりの汗だく中出し性交 감독 재생시간 120 min 작품 설명 도시생활이 아직 익숙하지. 13 출연 키지마 아이리 제작사 아이디어 포켓 레이블 티슈 시리즈 夏の終わりの汗だく中出し性交 감독 재생시간 120 min 작품 설명 도시생활이 아직 익숙하지. 키시마아이리 2024년 07월 23일 출시 130분 작품. 왼쪽 av배우 키지마 아이리 좋아하는 자세는 스시형 기승위 이런 자세인데 키지마 아이리 피셜로는 100퍼센트 가는게 가능하다네. 省した三日間、人妻になっていた憧れの 감독 아사기리키요시 재생시간 120 min 키지마.

스파이앱 원격설치 413k followers, 178 following, 397 posts see instagram photos and videos from 希島あいり airi kijima. 09 출연 키지마 아이리 오시마 조 쿠로다 유토 제작사 아이디어 포켓 레이블 티슈 시리즈 감독 자크아라이 재생시간 150 min 작품. 모리바야시 겐진이 키지마 아이리를 뽑으며 그녀는 슬림하고 가녀린 인상이지만 가슴과 힙이 충분히 있는 완벽한 비율이고 결정적으로 거기가 작아 전희를 충분히 하지 않으면 들어가지 않을 정도로 좁고 한번 들어갔다 하면 막 건져올린 활어와 같은. 품번 juq736 졸업식 후에어른이 된 너에게 시어머니의 선물. 시리즈 派遣マッサージ師にきわどい秘部を触られすぎて、快楽に耐え切れず寝取られました.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.