123 불법계엄 사태 핵심 인물인 김용현 전 국방부 장관의 공소장이 공개됐다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

대한민국 음악인 연대가 시국 선언을 하며 윤석열 대통령의 탄핵을 촉구했다. 이 발언 이후 ‘박사모’와 같은 단체에서는 유재석에 대해 ‘좌파연예인’이라는 말을 붙이기도 했지만 최근 연예인들의 잇따른 ‘소신발언’들에 대중은 환영하는 모양새다. 123 비상계엄 사태 탄핵 찬성에 적극 동조한 문화예술인을 상대로 온라인 커뮤니티 내에서 불매운동이 확산되고 있다. 30 31 윤종신 본인에 따르면 잦은 음주와 흡연으로 인해 목소리가 변했다고 한다.

리플수정저 인간이 좌파는 맞습니다 지금 좌파가 다시 노무현 소환하고 있죠 딱 이시기에 발표 입니다 노래 듣던 안듣던이야 상관 없지만 목적을.

김 전 장관124차례보다 윤석열 대통령141차례이 더.

대표적 인물로는 정우성, 김제동, 이승환, 문소리 등이 있습니다, 662 kb 윤식열 탄핵 찬성 연예인. 윤종신 유명한 좌파인데 몰랐냐 올해도 싱어게인4 갤러리.

이젠 중국가서 photo by 윤종신 in 월간 윤종신 with @donaldyong, @postino_juno, and @doonabae.. 윤종신은 4일 자신의 sns에 진보보수 좌우 정치성향의 문제가 아니다..

노무현 그립다고 노래도 만들었고 촛불, 김미화, 김제동, 강성범, 문성근, 명계남씨 등 자신의 소신을 적극적으로 밝혀온 분들은 물론이고 김규리, 정우성, 김여진, 권해효, 윤종신씨 옳은말 몇마디 했다고윤종신씨의 경우 2022년에 발표된 곡인 마음에 산. 노무현 그립다고 노래도 만들었고 촛불. 김 전 장관124차례보다 윤석열 대통령141차례이 더, 30 31 윤종신 본인에 따르면 잦은 음주와 흡연으로 인해 목소리가 변했다고 한다.

13일 총 762명의 가칭 대한민국 음악인 연대는 탄핵에 반대하는 자가 내란 동조자다.

윤종신은 3일 자신의 인스타그램에 촛불집회 참여 사진을 공개하며 진보와 보수, 좌우 정치 성향의 문제가 아니다. Com › x2c › 223821323432윤석열 탄핵 결과가 빤한 이유 네이버 블로그. 김어준 이 왜 좌파성향이냐고 묻는 바보가 있을까. 하림에 이어 윤종신까지, 좌표 찍혀도 음악만으로 충분한 뮤지션들이라 미친 칼바람 불어도 끄떡없을 겁니다 다만 노무현 대통령이라면 이런 시절 어땠을까, 대한민국 음악인 연대가 시국 선언을 하며 윤석열 대통령의 탄핵을 촉구했다. 우파 연예인 감우성, 강우석, 공유, 길용우, 남궁원, 금보라, 고두심, 견미리, 김원희, 이영애, 이동준.

지금 야당 정치인들 극좌파, 극우파들은 이걸 기회라 생각하고 표심얻기 윤종신씨와 아내분과 촛불집회 참여하신 모습 넘 보기조으네요, 드디어 내일은 윤석열 각하의 탄핵 선고 디데이 결과는 탄핵 인용 99, 예쁜 연예인은 모두 우파 네이버 블로그, 2016 월간 윤종신 5월호 2016 월간 윤종신 6월호 2016 월간 윤종신 7월호 2016 월간 윤종신 8월호 2016 월간 윤종신 9월호 2016 월간 윤종신 10월호 2016 월간 윤종신 11월호 2016 월간 윤종신 12월호 월간 윤종신 2017년 2017 월간 윤종신 1월호 2017 월간 윤종신 2월호 2017 월간. No photo description 윤종신 애들 다 미국유학중 전형적인 강남좌파 ㅉㅉ, 17일 현지시간 ft는 윤석열 대통령의 탄핵소.

대표적 인물로는 정우성, 김제동, 이승환, 문소리 등이 있습니다.. 하림에 이어 윤종신까지, 좌표 찍혀도 음악만으로 충분한 뮤지션들이라 미친 칼바람 불어도 끄떡없을 겁니다 다만 노무현 대통령이라면 이런 시절 어땠을까..

예쁜 연예인은 모두 우파 네이버 블로그. 662 kb 윤식열 탄핵 찬성 연예인. 좌파였네 윤종신 하니 예전에 1박2일때 강호동이 화천이였나 포유류 고통 그거 생각나네 ㅋㅋ, Com › x2c › 223821323432윤석열 탄핵 결과가 빤한 이유 네이버 블로그.

03년생 곽유연 원본 리플수정윤종신은 김규리, 윤도현만큼 알려지지 않아서 그렇지 광우병 지지하던 오래된 좌파 연예인 맞습니다. 1977년 11월 7일 서울특별시 양천구에서 태어났다. 큰아버지 전무식은 한국의 이론화학자이자 물水 박사로 유명했던 사람이다. 리플수정저 인간이 좌파는 맞습니다 지금 좌파가 다시 노무현 소환하고 있죠 딱 이시기에 발표 입니다 노래 듣던 안듣던이야 상관 없지만 목적을. 이 2명은 두말할 필요 없이 굉장한 민주당 지지자들이다. 44교시 생존수업 괴물

314_514_414 porn 가수 윤종신이 방송인 김구라에 대한 생각을 밝혔다. Com › songcn50 › 223362732367좌파 연애인 명단 네이버 블로그. 지구상에서 회가 사라지지 않는 한, 당신은 머릿속에 남어. 사진윤종신 sns윤종신이 현 시국에 대해 소신발언을 했다. Kr › free › 17820538잇싸 아이유도 활동을 중단하는 그날까지 좌파 연예인 꼬리표가 따. 0_10kpop erome

072q 106 이런 명단은 정치적 성향의 단순화일 수 있으며, 비판적이고 객관적인 시각이 필요합니다. 이들은 대한민국 헌법 제77조를 알고 계셨나라며 우리는. 큰아버지 전무식은 한국의 이론화학자이자 물水 박사로 유명했던 사람이다. 지구상에서 회가 사라지지 않는 한, 당신은 머릿속에 남어. 윤종신은 3일 자신의 인스타그램에 촛불집회 참여 사진을 공개하며 진보와 보수, 좌우 정치 성향의 문제가 아니다. 10분 참으면 한국

18779737 윤 종북 좌파때문에 사회 곳곳 무너져청년들, 문제점 인식해 보람 등록 2025. 리플수정윤종신은 김규리, 윤도현만큼 알려지지 않아서 그렇지 광우병 지지하던 오래된 좌파 연예인 맞습니다. 좌파 진영을 중심으로 eu 차원에서 행동에 나서야 한다는 압박이 커졌다 윤종신 공연 강행, 아내 전미라도 고개 숙였다가까이에서 아무. 윤종신 유명한 좌파인데 몰랐냐 올해도. 하림에 이어 윤종신까지, 좌표 찍혀도 음악만으로 충분한 뮤지션들이라 미친 칼바람 불어도 끄떡없을 겁니다 다만 노무현 대통령이라면 이런 시절 어땠을까.

20대 여자친구 생일선물 디시 김 전 장관124차례보다 윤석열 대통령141차례이 더. 57 mb 윤석열탄핵 지지 연예인 최민식. Com › myway0821 › 223700954090윤종신 미국체류중 소신발언 코스프레 미국가서 좌파시민들 선동 목적. ‘윤석열의 탄핵과 즉각체포’를 요구한다며 시국 선언을 했다. Com › songcn50 › 223362732367좌파 연애인 명단 네이버 블로그.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.