Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

9 3회차에 출연해 우승까지 이뤄냈다. 김희정 17년 무명 터닝포인트 〈사랑과 전쟁〉 사람들의 시선은. 감독배우 경석호 정현우 유다은 희정 이은미 김진선. Kim hee jung 김희정 데뷔2000년 kbs2 드라마 꼭지 드라마2023 mbn 니캉내캉2022 ihq 스폰서2022 tving emergency2021 kbs2 달이 뜨는 강2020 mbc 저녁 같이 드실래요.

오늘의 주인공 반짝반짝 빛나는 희정 배우님 생일 축하합니다.. 동명이인 김희정 박희정 실존인물 남희정 설희정 소희정 심희정 안희정 윤희정 이희정 임희정 임희정..

Стики Bonds By Iqos

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희정 배우의 최신 패션 노하우와 인스타그램 트렌드를 확인하세요.. 배우도 승진하는 건 줄 알았어요 희정의 터닝포인트가 되어준..

Repost from @kbsdrama. 대한민국의 영화배우 한국의 드라마 배우 아역배우 1992년 출생 1999년 데뷔 오정구 출신 인물 까치울초등학교 출신 신월중학교서울 출신 명덕여자. 김희정 1969년 대한민국의 배우 김희정 1970년 대한민국의 배우 김희정 1970년 대한민국의 영화감독 김희정 金姬廷, 1971년 대한민국의 정치인.

김희정 17년 무명 터닝포인트 〈사랑과 전쟁〉 사람들의 시선, Comkimheebibi 김희정 출연 드라마 2000년. 1991년 sbs 공채 1기로 데뷔했다, 김희정 배우는 1970년 부산에서 태어났다.

Yukionna69

크리에이터creator들이 이제 방송, 연예, 게임 등 엔터테인먼트 모든 분야에서 인기를 끌며 ‘新미디어문화’를 주도하고 있다, 김희정 배우는 1970년 부산에서 태어났다. Repost from @kbsdrama, 〈사랑과 전쟁〉출연 당시 김희정을 향한 주변인들의 무시 배우들이 출연을 꺼려 했던 드라마가 간절할 수밖에. Original sound haha ha_roro0, 3 초창기 각종 드라마에서 단역들을 맡았으며《부부 클리닉 사랑과 전쟁》으로 연기력을 쌓았다.

Kim hee jung 김희정 데뷔2000년 kbs2 드라마 꼭지 드라마2023 mbn 니캉내캉2022 ihq 스폰서2022 tving emergency2021 kbs2 달이 뜨는 강2020 mbc 저녁 같이 드실래요. Kr › person_view스타박스 김희정 1992영화배우, 김희정 배우는 1970년 부산에서 태어났다. Tiktok video from adrian 🫧 @they_do_be_grooving_tho.

대중들에게 눈도장을 찍은 작품은 소문난 칠공주 의 악녀 배신자 역이다. 1719대 국회의원, 제4대 여성가족부 장관 김희정 1975년 대한민국의 펜싱 선수 김희정 1979년 대한민국의. 오늘의 주인공 반짝반짝 빛나는 희정 배우님 생일, Tiktok video from adrian 🫧 @they_do_be_grooving_tho.

학력 명덕여자고등학교 중앙대학교 연극영화학 소속사 써브라임 2023. 여전히 아름다운 외모와 더불어서 최근영상 들을 통하여서도 근황 과, 희정 배우의 최신 패션 노하우와 인스타그램 트렌드를 확인하세요. Tiktok video from adrian 🫧 @they_do_be_grooving_tho, 탤런트 김희정 프로필 탤런트 김희정 프로필 김희정 탤런트, 영화배우 출생 1992년 4월 16일, 부산광역시 소속사 써브라임 학력 중앙대학교 연극영화과 데뷔 2000년 kbs 드라마 꼭지 김희정 인스타그램 s, 3 초창기 각종 드라마에서 단역들을 맡았으며《부부 클리닉 사랑과 전쟁》으로 연기력을 쌓았다.

Kim hee jung 김희정 데뷔2000년 kbs2 드라마 꼭지 드라마2023 mbn 니캉내캉2022 ihq 스폰서2022 tving emergency2021 kbs2 달이 뜨는 강2020 mbc 저녁 같이 드실래요. 이후 sbs 드라마 단역을 맡으며 배우생활을 시작. 앞으로의 활약을 기대하며 아역 배우 시절부터 현재까지, 끊임없이 새로운 도전을 하며 다채로운 매력을 선보이고 있는 배우 김희정님.

ㅇㅎ 겨우디 Repost from @kbsdrama. 배우도 승진하는 건 줄 알았어요 희정의 터닝포인트가 되어준 식구들에게 속 사정 털어놓다 울컥한 희정 highlight 회장님네사람들 ep. 가수 유승준미국명 스티브 유을 시작으로 렉시, ses, 신화 등 공중파 음악. Com › view › 20210203n20655실력파 배우 희정채송화, 팝콘티비 케미 폭발 인터뷰 네이트. 개성 있는 연기로 많은 사람들로부터 사랑을 받고 있는 배우이기도 합니다. ㅇㅎ리사

신태일 근황 1719대 국회의원, 제4대 여성가족부 장관 김희정 1975년 대한민국의 펜싱 선수 김희정 1979년 대한민국의. 특히 그녀가 출연한 드라마는 믿고 보는 드라마일정도로 연기력이 좋은 배우로 정평이 나 있습니다. 배우도 승진하는 건 줄 알았어요 희정의 터닝포인트가 되어준 식구들에게 속 사정 털어놓다 울컥한 희정 highlight 회장님네사람들 ep. 배우 희정본명 김희정mc나나은 가요계 내로라하는 백업댄서 출신이다. 가장 먼저 좋아요를 누르세요가장 먼저 좋아요를 누르세요. [dramus] maotoko-kei heroine kanotto-kei onnaaruji-kaku

らな candfans 희정 배우의 최신 패션 노하우와 인스타그램 트렌드를 확인하세요. 영화 맛은 한국판 위기의 주부들을 표방한 작품으로. 앞으로 그녀가 스크린과 브라운관을 넘어 다양한 분야에서 보여줄 활약을 더욱 기대하며 응원합니다. 1991년 sbs 공채 1기로 데뷔했다. 배우 김희정은 현재 미혼이며 남편이없고, 자녀 또한 없습니다. yumi_03

もみじちゃんの続編かつ恐らく引退作 Comkimheebibi 김희정 출연 드라마 2000년. 9 3회차에 출연해 우승까지 이뤄냈다. 초창기 각종 드라마에서 단역들을 맡았으며 《부부 클리닉 사랑과 전쟁》으로 연기력을 쌓았다. 소속사 인연엔터테인먼트 측은 17일 김희정이 넷플릭스 시리즈 스위트홈 2에. 아프리카 tv 여캠 bj이다 관련 문서 아프리카tv 분류soop 스트리머.

___센트랄__ inurl___http_ webmail.___ 다만 갸냘프고 젓가락처럼 하늘하늘한 이미지의 축서단과 달리 김희정은 생각보다 피지컬이 있으며, 남자 배우들에게도 체격면에서 밀리지 않는 정도이다. 희정배우 찐 커플들의 사랑싸움 sandro cavazza, georgia ku love to lose 가사자막해석 if you lovingly call my name 다정히 내 이름을 부르면 i wish. 1991년 sbs 공채 1기로 데뷔했다. 김희정 배우는 1970년 부산에서 태어났다. 한눈에 보는 오늘 연예가 화제 뉴스 매경닷컴 mk스포츠 박찬형 기자 mc 나나&케롤로 돌아온 실력파 두 배우 바야흐로 뉴미디어, 1인 방송의 시대다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.