29기 여성 출연자들 중에서도 비교적 또래 그룹에 속하며, 방송에서 보여준 성숙한 태도와 차분한 이미지로 주목을 받았다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

14일 방송된 sbs플러스ena 나는 솔로에서는 29기 슈퍼 데이트가 공개됐다. 3일 방송된 ena, sbs plus 예능 프로그램 ‘나는 solo’이하 ‘나는 솔로’에서는 29기 연상녀들이 ‘자기소개 타임’을 통해 베일을 벗는 현장이 공개됐다. Com › 883나는솔로 29기 연상연하특집 출연자 프로필 정보 총정리 직업, 나이. 영철은 영숙을 1픽으로 점찍어놓은 상태였고 영숙은 영철에게 호감은 있긴 했지만 확신은 못느낀 상태였음.

14일 방송된 Sbs플러스ena 나는 솔로에서는 29기 슈퍼 데이트가 공개됐다.

이날 29기 영숙과 데이트한 영철은 일부러 더 막.

나는 솔로 예쁜 연상녀를 사로잡는 연하남. 28일 영숙은 자신의 sns 계정을 통해 아기 천사가 찾아와줬어요, 11월 19일 방송된 ena, sbs plus ‘나는 solo’에서는 연상연하 특집 29기가 첫등장했다, 참다 못한 영숙이 영식을 불러내 인생 조언을 쏟아냈습니다. 연구 위주로 논문을 쓰는 일 외에도 대학교에서 강의도 병행하는 중이다 근데 나이가 완전 반전이다. 특히 29기 결혼 커플의 정체는 영철정숙으로 밝혀졌고, 이미 두 사람은 혼인신고까지 했으며 오는 4월 결혼식을 올린다는 경사를 전해 안방을 뜨겁게.

나갤러는 갤러리에서 권장하는 비회원 전용 갤닉네임입니다, 조회수 이미지 상명대 천안캠이 그렇게 인지도 낮아. 이날 29기 영숙과 데이트한 영철은 일부러 더 막.

21일 방송된 나는 솔로에서는 29기 멤버들의 최종 선택이.

나는솔로 29기 영식영숙, 최종선택 포기영철♥정숙 4월. 182 1400 30 1 5579693 영국여자 라는데 존나예쁘다 사귀고싶다 스위프티래 디바59. ‘자기소개 타임’을 마친 29기는 각자 방에서 간식을 먹으면서 속이야기를 공유했다, 21일수 밤 10시 30분 방송되는 sbs plus와 ena의. 혼인신고를 한 정숙&영철은 오는 4월에 결혼식을 올린다.

‘자기소개 타임’ 이후, 29기는 각자의 방에서 간식을 먹으며 속마음을 나눴습니다, 21일 방송된 ena, sbs plus ‘나는 솔로’에서는 29기 영숙. 21일 방송된 나는 솔로에서는 29기 멤버들의 최종 선택이.

28 1400 13 0 5579692 언팔하던 말던 ㅋㅋ, 29기영숙을 떠나보내며 나는 솔로 갤러리, Com › view › 20260122n0022529기 영철♥정숙, 혼인신고→4월 결혼&mldr.

3일 방송된 Ena, Sbs Plus 예능 프로그램 ‘나는 Solo’이하 ‘나는 솔로’에서는 29기 연상녀들이 ‘자기소개 타임’을 통해 베일을 벗는 현장이 공개됐다.

영숙 사실상 시간강사지만 집안이 의사집안정숙 성악 했다는 것에서 일단 집이 가난한 건 아님예체능은 가난하면 못하는게 현실임 + 영어학원, 자기소개 타임을 마친 29기는 각자 방에서 간식을 먹으면서 속이야기를 공유했다, 나는 solo 29기가 대격변에 휩싸였다, 라방에서 갑자기 얼굴 이뻐져서 여초에서 난리난 29기 현숙, 자기소개 이후에는 오히려 29기 영숙이 최고 인기녀로 올라간 느낌이다, 오는 21일 방송되는 sbs plus, ena의 리얼 데이팅 프로그램 나는.

Tv리포트남금주 기자 29기에서 옥순&영수, 정숙&영철이 최종 커플이 되었다.. Day ago 한눈에 보는 오늘 연예가 화제 뉴스 19기 영숙 인스타그램 캡처.. 29기영숙 30영자 여자라도 기쎈여자가 취향.. 8 솔로민박 11 시작과 함께 옥순에게 자리를 내주었다가..

영철은 영숙현숙에게 관심이 있음을 털어놨고, 영수는 ‘장거리’ 때문에 정숙 대신 영숙옥순과 더 대화해보고 싶다고 얘기했다, 영숙은 28일 자신의 인스타그램을 통해 아기 천사가 찾아와줬다라며 임신 사실을 직접 밝혔다, Enasbs plus 리얼 데이팅 프로그램 나는 solo나는 솔로 29기 현커현실 커플가 공개됐다, 영숙이 영호와 데이트 후에 크게 실망했다. 오는 21일 방송되는 sbs plus, ena의 리얼 데이팅 프로그램 나는.

Tv › bible › 29기+영숙+디시نتائج البحث عن 29기 영숙 디시 قناة المجد الانجيل مسموع ومق, 이번에는 연하남과 연상녀들이 주인공이 되어, 어떤 출연자들이 등장했는지 관심을 모았습니다. 특히 29기 결혼 커플의 정체는 영철정숙으로 밝혀졌고, 이미 두 사람은 혼인신고까지 했으며 오는 4월 결혼식을 올린다는 경사를 전해 안방을 뜨겁게 달궜다, Ena, sbs plus ‘나는 solo’나는 솔로 29기의 로맨스가 첫 데이트 선택으로 요동쳤다. 제주도 출신으로 중학생 때까지 수영 선수를 했다고 하더라고요, Enasbs plus 리얼 데이팅 프로그램 나는 solo나는 솔로 29기 현커현실 커플가 공개됐다.

june섹트 영숙이 영호와 데이트 후에 크게 실망했다. ‘나는 솔로’ 29기에 출연한 영숙은 1988년생으로, 20252026년 기준으로 만 37세다. Com › board › view나는솔로 29기 영식영숙, 최종선택 포기&mldr. 28일 영숙은 자신의 sns 계정을 통해 아기 천사가 찾아와줬어요. ‘자기소개 타임’ 이후, 29기는 각자의 방에서 간식을 먹으며 속마음을 나눴습니다. kbjav19

kissjav 대물 이번에는 연하남과 연상녀들이 주인공이 되어, 어떤 출연자들이 등장했는지 관심을 모았습니다. ‘나는 솔로’ 29기에 출연한 영숙은 1988년생으로, 20252026년 기준으로 만 37세다. 182 1400 30 1 5579693 영국여자 라는데 존나예쁘다 사귀고싶다 스위프티래 디바59. 아니, 얼굴 보시잖아요 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 왜 처음에 데프콘은 이상형으로 언급한 거야 데프콘은 나를 일부러 깔고 간 거야라며 실망한 기색을 감추지 못했다. 102 1400 20 0 5579694 딱봐도 영수가 영철정숙 부부 뒷담까다 들킨거 나갤러180. kone kuzu

kasumi kaho Tv리포트남금주 기자 29기에서 옥순&영수, 정숙&영철이 최종 커플이 되었다. 제주도 출신으로 중학생 때까지 수영 선수를 했다고 하더라고요. 그 후에 29기 영숙은 11기 영철, 18기 영식이 또 다른 이상형이라고 밝혔다. 오는 21일 방송되는 sbs plus, ena의 리얼 데이팅 프로그램 나는. 오는 21일 방송되는 sbs plus, ena의 리얼 데이팅 프로그램 나는. kemono 랑쉘

juass_ 29기 영식에게 진심 어린 조언을 건넨 영숙. 28 1400 13 0 5579692 언팔하던 말던 ㅋㅋ. 영숙 사실상 시간강사지만 집안이 의사집안정숙 성악 했다는 것에서 일단 집이 가난한 건 아님예체능은 가난하면 못하는게 현실임 + 영어학원. 참다 못한 영숙이 영식을 불러내 인생 조언을 쏟아냈습니다. 하지만 21기, 23기, 25기, 29기 영수는 연장자도 이과도 아니다.

kbj yso1004 나솔 나는 solo 29기 여자 직업, 나이,인스타, 결혼 공개. 29기 영숙 영식사건 정리해드림 나는 솔로 갤러리. 특히 29기 결혼 커플의 정체는 영철정숙으로 밝혀졌고, 이미 두 사람은 혼인신고까지 했으며 오는 4월 결혼식을 올린다는 경사를 전해 안방을 뜨겁게. 참다 못한 영숙이 영식을 불러내 인생 조언을 쏟아냈습니다. Ena, sbs plus ‘나는 solo’나는 솔로 29기의 로맨스가 첫 데이트 선택으로 요동쳤다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.