Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

자신에 대한 정보를 빼앗아가는 개체입니다. scp containment breach 에 등장하는 오리지널 scp를 서술하는 문서. 지구 반대편에서 096의 사진을 봐도 귀신같이 알고 상상할 수. Scp0961이 있는 위치에 도착하면, scp096은 scp0961을 죽이고 데이터 말소한다.

더쿠 윤가놈

다자이의 3번째 손가락 디시

접근 거부 라 쓰여져있는 항목은 아직 작성되지 않았다는 뜻이다. Scp 재단 과학부에서 근무하는 연구원으로, 대규모 변칙 사건을 겪은 후 기억과 과거기록 일부가 검열됐다, 오늘 저장할 24 scp 사진 아이디어 사진, 귀여운 아이폰 배경.

대물시디

사건으로 인해 발생한 신체적정신적 후유증으로 인해 그 어떠한 부정적 감정도 느끼지 못하는 상태가 되었다. scp 재단 의 엄중한 보안 속에서도 수 차례 탈출한 전적이 있는 scp. Scp 재단 과학부에서 근무하는 연구원으로, 대규모 변칙 사건을 겪은 후 기억과 과거기록 일부가 검열됐다, 76 kb 이전 페이지 다음 페이지 scp 재단에 관계된 각종 그림사진 파일을 모은 분류입니다. Scp173은 철근과 콘크리트로 이루어진 조각상으로 크릴론 상표의 페인트가 칠해져 있다. Watch on 트롤링 scp173 watch on scp173은 일명 조각상으로 scp containment breach 게임의 주 적이며 적대적인 scp 개체이다.

Scp682는 유기물이든 무기물이든 삼킨 것에서 에너지를 얻는다, 일반적인 카메라와 똑같이 동작하지만 사진을 찍을 때 이상현상이 발생하는데, 바로 사진에 찍힌 대상의 욕망이 사진으로 현상되어 나오는 것. 일단 누군가 그 얼굴을 어떤 수단을 통해서라도 보게 되면 096은 얼굴을 본 사람이 어디에 있든 기어이 쫓아가 갈기갈기 찢어버린다. scp682의 물리적 신체는 물질을 섭취하거나 내보냄으로써 크기를 키우거나 줄이는데, 이는 매우 빠르게 자라고 변한다, 4 해당 블로그는 순전히 블로거 개인에 의해 문서들이 번역되거나 scp containment breach 의 개인 번역판을 배포하기도 했는데 문제는 번역 퀄리티들이 처참하거나 타 인터넷 문서를 복붙하는 등의 문제가.

닙슬립

실제로 존재하는 scp 사진들shorts 사진 신기한 재밌는영상 scp 공포.. 읽기에 앞서scp 재단 이란 기관은 확보, 격리, 보호secure, contain, protect의 약자의 이름을 딴 기관이며, 이 기관에서는 과학적으로 설명할 수 없는 초자연적인 생물, 물체, 현상, 지역등을 scp 분류해 감시, 연구하는 비밀 민간 단체이다.. 어떤 작품에서 등장한 설정이 공식설정 이라는 이유로 다른..

Scp 파일 분류에 속하는 미디어 다음은 이 분류에 속하는 파일 331개 가운데 200개입니다, 4 해당 블로그는 순전히 블로거 개인에 의해 문서들이 번역되거나 scp containment breach 의 개인 번역판을 배포하기도 했는데 문제는 번역 퀄리티들이 처참하거나 타 인터넷 문서를 복붙하는 등의 문제가, 76 kb 이전 페이지 다음 페이지 scp 재단에 관계된 각종 그림사진 파일을 모은 분류입니다.

자신에 대한 정보를 빼앗아가는 개체입니다, Scp978은 평범한 일회용 폴라로이드 카메라 의 모습을 한 scp로 기존의 카메라와 별다른 차이점은 발견되지 않았다, Scp secret laboratory 공식 웹사이트 한국어 웹사이트 약칭 scpsl, 이 두 scp는 가장 유명한 scp들이다. 모든 사례에서 scp0961은 흔적도 남지 않는다. 특히 scp173은 이 scp재단이라는 게 처음 등장하는데 큰 영향을 미치기도 했다.

scp containment breach 에 등장하는 오리지널 scp를 서술하는 문서. 다음은 몇몇 유명한 scp들과의 상호관계 입니다 scp053 소녀 이 소녀를 보거나 접촉하거나 가까이 있었던사람은 매우 폭력적으로 변해 주변 인물들을 죽이고 마지막으로 소녀를 죽이려 하지만 그순간 심장마비로 사망합니다. 모든 사례에서 scp0961은 흔적도 남지 않는다. Scp containment breach 약칭 scpcb.

놀쟈 쿠치

Scp1983 에서 미친 활약을 보여준 d계급이 받은 상 맞다.. 재단에서 실행하는 업무인 특수 격리 절차special containment procedures의 약자도 된다.. 특히 scp173은 이 scp재단이라는 게 처음 등장하는데 큰 영향을 미치기도 했다.. Scp682는 유기물이든 무기물이든 삼킨 것에서 에너지를 얻는다..

오늘은 간단히 가장 유명한 scp 두명 정도만 소개하고 scp재단에 대한 소개를 마치겠다. 오늘 저장할 24 scp 사진 아이디어 사진, 귀여운 아이폰 배경, Scp secret laboratory 공식 웹사이트 한국어 웹사이트 약칭 scpsl. 접근 거부 라 쓰여져있는 항목은 아직 작성되지 않았다는 뜻이다. 사건으로 인해 발생한 신체적정신적 후유증으로 인해 그 어떠한 부정적 감정도 느끼지 못하는 상태가 되었다. scp containment breach 에 등장하는 오리지널 scp를 서술하는 문서.

실제로 존재하는 scp 사진들shorts 사진 신기한 재밌는영상 scp 공포. Scp 파일 분류에 속하는 미디어 다음은 이 분류에 속하는 파일 331개 가운데 200개입니다, 오늘은 간단히 가장 유명한 scp 두명 정도만 소개하고 scp재단에 대한 소개를 마치겠다. 일반적인 카메라와 똑같이 동작하지만 사진을 찍을 때 이상현상이 발생하는데, 바로 사진에 찍힌 대상의 욕망이 사진으로 현상되어 나오는 것.

더바붐샵 사이느 Scp1983 에서 미친 활약을 보여준 d계급이 받은 상 맞다. 다음은 몇몇 유명한 scp들과의 상호관계 입니다 scp053 소녀 이 소녀를 보거나 접촉하거나 가까이 있었던사람은 매우 폭력적으로 변해 주변 인물들을 죽이고 마지막으로 소녀를 죽이려 하지만 그순간 심장마비로 사망합니다. Scp1983 에서 미친 활약을 보여준 d계급이 받은 상 맞다. 접근 거부 라 쓰여져있는 항목은 아직 작성되지 않았다는 뜻이다. Scp 재단은 점점 사이트의 규모가 커지자 설정 충돌을 바로잡기보다는 카논 은 없다고 함으로서 모든 설정을 받아들이는 정책을 취하고 있다. 눌러앉은 갸루 히토미

님피아 야짤 어떤 작품에서 등장한 설정이 공식설정 이라는 이유로 다른. 모든 사례에서 scp0961은 흔적도 남지 않는다. 사실 001999는 웬만해선 리스트가 꽉 차있긴 하지만, 평가 점수가 마이너스 두 자릿수로까지 떨어진. Scp 재단은 2008년 위키닷 엔진을 기반으로 제작된 창작 위키 사이트이다. 일반적인 카메라와 똑같이 동작하지만 사진을 찍을 때 이상현상이 발생하는데, 바로 사진에 찍힌 대상의 욕망이 사진으로 현상되어 나오는 것. 니지산지 루카 빨간약

니기 히카루 Scp 재단은 점점 사이트의 규모가 커지자 설정 충돌을 바로잡기보다는 카논 은 없다고 함으로서 모든 설정을 받아들이는 정책을 취하고 있다. 사실 001999는 웬만해선 리스트가 꽉 차있긴 하지만, 평가 점수가 마이너스 두 자릿수로까지 떨어진. 접근 거부 라 쓰여져있는 항목은 아직 작성되지 않았다는 뜻이다. 어떤 작품에서 등장한 설정이 공식설정 이라는 이유로 다른. Scp 재단에서 조사하고 있는 자료들 중 1번scp001에서 999번 자료scp999들의 제목부제을 정리한 목록. 누드gif

대구 이용소 후기 scp682의 물리적 신체는 물질을 섭취하거나 내보냄으로써 크기를 키우거나 줄이는데, 이는 매우 빠르게 자라고 변한다. Scp 파일 분류에 속하는 미디어 다음은 이 분류에 속하는 파일 331개 가운데 200개입니다. 읽기에 앞서scp 재단 이란 기관은 확보, 격리, 보호secure, contain, protect의 약자의 이름을 딴 기관이며, 이 기관에서는 과학적으로 설명할 수 없는 초자연적인 생물, 물체, 현상, 지역등을 scp 분류해 감시, 연구하는 비밀 민간 단체이다. Scp682는 유기물이든 무기물이든 삼킨 것에서 에너지를 얻는다. Watch on 트롤링 scp173 watch on scp173은 일명 조각상으로 scp containment breach 게임의 주 적이며 적대적인 scp 개체이다.

느와르 목넘김 다시보기 오늘 저장할 24 scp 사진 아이디어 사진, 귀여운 아이폰 배경. Net › wiki › 분류scp_파일분류scp 파일 리브레 위키. Scp173은 철근과 콘크리트로 이루어진 조각상으로 크릴론 상표의 페인트가 칠해져 있다. Scp 재단은 2008년 위키닷 엔진을 기반으로 제작된 창작 위키 사이트이다. Scp978은 평범한 일회용 폴라로이드 카메라 의 모습을 한 scp로 기존의 카메라와 별다른 차이점은 발견되지 않았다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.