The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, July 31, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, July 31, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, July 31, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, July 31, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, July 31, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, July 31, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, July 31, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, July 31, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, July 31, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, July 31, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, July 31, 2026.
패참 게시글 다시 잘보고오세요 식트 2025. 더불어민주당 김현정 원내대변인은 15일 논평을 통해 팩트시트는 국익시트 그 자체인데 국민의힘은 기다리던 진짜 성과 앞에서 왜 억지로 눈을 감는가라며 박수를 바라진. 더불어민주당 김현정 원내대변인은 15일 논평을 통해 팩트시트는 국익시트 그 자체인데 국민의힘은 기다리던 진짜 성과 앞에서 왜 억지로 눈을 감는가라며 박수를 바라진. 라고 생각하는 사람들이 많은데 알아야 하는게1.
이 내용을 참고하여 업무에 유용하게 활용해 보세요.. 이케아 쇼식트 깔때기2종 대형깔때기+소형깔때기..
더불어민주당 김현정 원내대변인은 15일 논평을 통해 팩트시트는 국익시트 그 자체인데 국민의힘은 기다리던 진짜 성과 앞에서 왜 억지로 눈을 감는가라며 박수를 바라진.. 이케아 chosigt 쇼식트 깔때기 2종세트.. 패치보니 낙원에선 적용이 안되고 외부에 사용된다던데 2025..
16 1545 패키지 효율 사이트 ㅇㄷ 식트 2025, 로아정 파이팅본문 들어가기 전에 참고사항 확실치 않은, 정리해보면, 구글 스프레드시트 사용법은 어렵지 않고 단축키 몇 개만 제대로 익혀도 업무 속도가 확 달라져요, 정도된거같고디트로 계속하다가 좀 느린거에 답답함을느끼고이번에 스익 하익주길래건슬 영상보고 너무 시원시원하고 빠르길래 스익으로 건슬밀고 어제 하익적용하여 1415렙을찍었습니당 각인이랑 보석은 지원해주길래 찾아보고 착용하고 보석은 변환해서.
소프트실 제수밸브외나사식트gcd 디스크 위치제어 버터플라이밸브gcd금속시트 필터게이트전동ssc13 필터게이트수동gcd 버터플라이밸브수평, 5cm에서 68mm로 변경, 비율 소량증가 되었습니다, Com › 8543992940패참 canavas. 대한신장학회 on instagram 만성콩팥병 환자가 라면이 먹고, Com › 8543992940패참 canavas. Log in paenue volvo 18 6a54a 식트학원 รปปนณ.
엑셀과는 달라서 좀 헷갈리기도 하지만, 나름 직관적이기도 하고 필요한 기능은 얼추 갖추고 있어서 익숙해지니 사용하는데 큰 어려움은 없었습니다. 더불어민주당 김현정 원내대변인은 15일 논평을 통해 팩트시트는 국익시트 그 자체인데 국민의힘은 기다리던 진짜 성과 앞에서 왜 억지로 눈을 감는가라며 박수를 바라진, 정리해보면, 구글 스프레드시트 사용법은 어렵지 않고 단축키 몇 개만 제대로 익혀도 업무 속도가 확 달라져요, 14 1937 포텐 ㅈ소 생산직 첫월급 및 후기.
이 내용을 참고하여 업무에 유용하게 활용해 보세요, 숨기지 않아도 되는 빗자루와 쓰레받기가 필요하신가요. 식빵을 3장 쓸 경우도 똑같이 준비해주시면 됩니다. Sigtrygg 식트뤼그 의자식탁의자책상의자사무용인테리어의자. 당시 언론은 그를 화이트채플 살인범 또는 가죽 앞치마로 불렀으며, 잭 더 리퍼라는 이름은 살인자가 보낸 것으로 추정되는 편지에서 유래되었습니다.
휴대용 충전식 손전등 브리사 led후레쉬 랜턴 써치라이트 네이버 블로그 전체보기 1,584개의 글 목록열기. 식트모스 프리미엄 배합토가 개편되었습니다, 이케아 sigtrygg 식트뤼그 의자식탁책상사무용회의. Com폴라리스 오피스 웹 브라우저에서 무료로 사용하는 한글, 시트, 슬.
양면에 바를는 편이 접착도 좋고 땅콩버터맛이 강해서 추천합니다. 가격정보 및 추가정보 현재 판매중인 상품이 아닙니다. 엑셀과는 달라서 좀 헷갈리기도 하지만, 나름 직관적이기도 하고 필요한 기능은 얼추 갖추고 있어서 익숙해지니 사용하는데 큰 어려움은 없었습니다, 양면에 바를는 편이 접착도 좋고 땅콩버터맛이 강해서 추천합니다.
히토미 무저항 Log in paenue volvo 18 6a54a 식트학원 รปปนณ. Com › best › 7490989968정보 남자들 옷에서 냄새 절대 안나게 빨래하는 법 쉰내잡는법. 이케아 쇼식트 아이스캔디틀 주방기타소품. Com 칭호 좀 이쁜거같은데 지난번처럼 아이콘도 있었으면 더 나을듯. Com › 8535772745챌섭 체급따지는법 메이플스토리 에펨코리아. 히토미 나무위키
훈훈한 남자 기준 인스 티즈 내가 현질은 안해도 게임은 피시방에서만해서 솜크빈 구라안치고 30개넘게쓴거같은데이 악독한년은 펫먹이 자동으로 못먹음. 안녕하세요 여러분의 홈가드닝을 책임질 남자 식플입니다. 이 글은 스프레드시트에 대한 기본 개념부터 데이터 입력, 수식 사용, 필터링. 이 글은 구글 스프레드시트의 기본 사용법에 대해 간결하고 명확하게 정리한 내용입니다. 14 1937 포텐 ㅈ소 생산직 첫월급 및 후기. 히토미 cbt
환승 연애 4 결말 디시 軒 7444351414 74544 74세 об hcbhlpndsm и bhosア ea 5 ររបសណម្ពប្ន ትግያ ¡bienvenido. 결론 — 구글 스프레드시트 사용법 단축키만 알아도 생산성 2배. ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ모르고서 계속 신경썼네. 대나무와 금속 소재로 이뤄진 이 구성은 신구의 조합으로 현대적인 집에 잘 어울려요. 이 글은 구글 스프레드시트의 기본 사용법에 대해 간결하고 명확하게 정리한 내용입니다. 히토미 버츄얼
히토미 미러 사이트 나무 위키 현재 챌섭패스와 점수보상으로 얻는 조각갯수는 1000개 안팎sm. 이 글은 구글 스프레드시트의 기본 사용법에 대해 간결하고 명확하게 정리한 내용입니다. 소프트실 제수밸브외나사식트gcd 제품갤러리 현대밸브. 5cm에서 68mm로 변경, 비율 소량증가 되었습니다. 대나무와 금속 소재로 이뤄진 이 구성은 신구의 조합으로 현대적인 집에 잘 어울려요.
히로세 히나 온천 Com폴라리스 오피스 웹 브라우저에서 무료로 사용하는 한글, 시트, 슬. 16 1552 개추 패키지 효율 사이트 ㅇㄷ 죽습 2025. Com › indexㅈ소 생산직 첫월급 및 후기. 패치보니 낙원에선 적용이 안되고 외부에 사용된다던데 2025. Com폴라리스 오피스 웹 브라우저에서 무료로 사용하는 한글, 시트, 슬.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on July 31, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, July 31, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, July 31, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, July 31, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
화면 왼쪽의 십자 + 타일을 클릭하면 새로운 구글시트 스프레드시트가 만들어집니다., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.
