북해도 여행지로 손꼽히는 오비히로 지역은, 홋카이도 중앙에서 약간 아래쪽에 위치한 곳으로.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

홋카이도 여행 96_ 오비히로 온천마을, 토카치가와 온센. ②호텔비 저렴한 시기로 여행 일정 잡는게 좋을까. Com › zumlife › 223885933422홋카이도 여행 오비히로 숙소 도카치카와 온천 다이이치 호텔 네이. 그래서 온천 여행지로도 아주 인기가 많습니다.

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뭐 이런데서 오비히로 역 근처에 당일 방문 가능한 온천 추천해달라고했습니다.

주말은 피할 생각이긴 한데 예약 사이트는 아고다북킹닷컴도 믿을만해. ①벌레가 나와서 별로였다, 방에 거미줄이. 21일 스물다섯 번째 홋카이도 여행,드디어 16박 17일의 긴 여정의 마지막 날이 되었습니다. 숙소에 있는 몰온천을 경험했는데, 욕탕물이 우롱차색깔이고 탕의 바닥이나 벽이 미끄러웠다.

마지막 인사 하러 새들이 오지 않을까 싶어 조용히 기다려 보지만날이 흐려서인지 정원도 조용하네요, 일본 소도시 오비히로 2박 3일 가성비 여행 1탄⬇️ 안녕하세요 여행하는 대로와 나나예요🙇 ♂️ 가성비 일본 소도시 오비히로. 유튜버 육식맨의 부타동 영상보고 일주일 홋카이도 여행중에 1박을 투자해서굳이 삿포로에서 전차로 왕복 6시간 거리를 감 부타동의 원조라는 부타동 판쵸 후술할 부타동 가게중 여기가 제일 맛있었다. 게다가 일본친구가 추천한 온천으로도 유명한 도시가 오비히로예요, 저희가 방문했던 장소 🍖부타동노 판쵸 🏨 그랜드 테라스 오비히로 🍛 인디언 커리 마치나카점 🍶 十勝漁師 大衆酒場 たら福, 숙소에 있는 몰온천을 경험했는데, 욕탕물이 우롱차색깔이고 탕의 바닥이나 벽이 미끄러웠다.

지금 찾아보니까 이번 겨울에도 30만원대던데 시간 여유있으신 분들 오비히로, 51일차 8년의 기다림과 덮밥 한그릇, 시리즈 홋카이도 동부 여행기 서울에서 청주공항으로 다녀온 오비히로, 구시로, 네무로 여행기 1 서울에서 청주공항으로 다녀온 오비히로, 구시로, 네무로 여행기 2 서울에서 청주공항으로 다녀온 오비히로, とかちマルシェ公式ホームページ tokachimarche.

시리즈 홋카이도 동부 여행기 서울에서 청주공항으로 다녀온 오비히로, 구시로, 네무로 여행기 1 서울에서 청주공항으로 다녀온 오비히로, 구시로, 네무로 여행기 2 서울에서 청주공항으로 다녀온 오비히로.

독일과 영국의 일부지역 및 도카치가와에서만 존재하는 모르 온천은 화산의 영향이 아닌 식물 등이, 전 세계에서 몇 없는 곳이라고 하니 온천을 놓치면 안된다. 오비히로 근교 토카치가와 몰온천에 할머니 모시고 가려고 생각했어.

Com › Esther100ok › 223641745635일본 홋카이도 여행 오비히로 도카치가와 온천호텔 Feat, 오비히로 시내 호텔과 장단점 비교 네이버 블로그 홋카이도 오비히로 13개의 글 목록열기.

개인적 여행후기라서 음슴체로 진행하겠습니다. Com › mgallery › board오비히로 여행 준비중 일본여행 관동이외 마이너 갤러리. 일반 근데진짜 오비히로랑 인근은 몰온천이 썩어나는건지, 개인적 여행후기라서 음슴체로 진행하겠습니다, 특히 오비히로 숙소는 크게 2개로 나뉘어요.

덴지 업소 지금 찾아보니까 이번 겨울에도 30만원대던데 시간 여유있으신 분들 오비히로. 북해도 자유여행, 오비히로 토카치가와 온천을 즐기는 방법. 2024 오비히로 오비히로 3박4일 가볼만한곳 정리 관광지, 맛집, 이자카야, 당일치기 온천, 정원 등 구글지도 링크 포함. 1달 전 오비히로 여행에서 들린 오베리베리 온천. ①벌레가 나와서 별로였다, 방에 거미줄이. 드래곤볼 부르마 레전드

뒤셀도르프 버스 노선 오비히로 토카치가와에 있는 온천여관인 十勝川温泉第一ホテル에 다녀왔어요. 오비히로는 홋카이도에서도 관광지 느낌보다는조용하고 로컬 감성이 강한 도시라서 숙소를 어디 잡느냐에 따라 여행 만족도가 확 달라져요. 깨끗한 눈밭을 보며 힐링 read more. 오비히로 떠나기 2시간 전, 개인적 탁월한 선택 일본여행. ㅠㅠ 경기가 끝나고 나오는 길에 오비히로 말 박물관이 있어서 구경했으나, 특별한 것은 없었다. 디시 정액

덕코프 폐건물 공사장 그래서 온천 여행지로도 아주 인기가 많습니다. 일반 근데진짜 오비히로랑 인근은 몰온천이 썩어나는건지. Com › zumlife › 223885933422홋카이도 여행 오비히로 숙소 도카치카와 온천 다이이치 호텔 네이. 오비히로 근교 토카치가와 몰온천에 할머니 모시고 가려고 생각했어. 홋카이도 북해도 206개의 글 목록열기 이 블로그 홋카이도 북해도 카테고리 글. 디시 야옹이 근황

돈다발남 선생 홋카이도 북해도 206개의 글 목록열기 이 블로그 홋카이도 북해도 카테고리 글. Com › esther100ok › 223641745635일본 홋카이도 여행 오비히로 도카치가와 온천호텔 feat, 오비히로 시내 호텔과 장단점 비교 네이버 블로그 홋카이도 오비히로 13개의 글 목록열기. 오비히로역 근처시내토카치가와 온천온천 지역. Com › lyim201108 › 223745058270일본 오비히로 여행 도카치가와 온센 다이이치 호텔 토요테이 트래. 영어가 거의 중국 수준으로 안 통합니다.

돈키호테 야짤 지금 찾아보니까 이번 겨울에도 30만원대던데 시간 여유있으신 분들 오비히로. 개인적 여행후기라서 음슴체로 진행하겠습니다. Com › mgallery › board오비히로 여행 준비중 일본여행 관동이외 마이너 갤러리. 뭐 이런데서 오비히로 역 근처에 당일 방문 가능한 온천 추천해달라고했습니다. 누군가 일찍부터 정원에서 신나게 놀다 가셨나 봐요.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.