Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Jp › teacher › nakamura_tomoe中村 知恵 サイバー大学 通信制大学. Com › list › videomadonna 巨婴云播. Jp › teacher › nakamura_tomoe中村 知恵 サイバー大学 通信制大学. 内部ストレージと本体メモリ違い facial recognition porn search.

篠真有

市民 K Kemono

가슴 만지는만화

人気バラエティ番組『有吉の壁』（日本テレビ系）から生まれた映画『有吉の壁 劇場版アドリブ大河「面白城の18人」』が、2026年1月16日から3週間限定で公開 read more, See photos and videos from. 車内にて両親と妹と自分の4人でしりとりをしていたところ勝手に人名縛りになったどころか「かすみりさ→佐山愛」、「うさぎ美優→羽咲みはる」、「木村つな→仲川そら」、「美咲かんな→ 中村知恵」という父親とのコンボにより女性陣から引かれその. 中村知惠 ，1990年11月30日出生於神奈川縣，日本av女優。基本信息中文名：中村知惠 其它外文名：中村知恵 別名：なかむらともえ 出生日期：1990年11月30日 性別：女 國籍：日本 出生地：神奈川縣.

中村知恵 なかむらともえ レポート4回目は中村知恵さんについて紹介するゾ。 情報はこんな感じ。 生年月日1990年11月30日体型身長：155cmスリ.. 現在、全国370以上の介護事業所を運営しています。海外では、中国を中心に有料老人ホームの運営や開発コンサルティング等の事業を展開。 「認知症を超える.. 3姉弟＆日々の記録⚽️ ﾌｫﾛｰは知り合いのみ ち東京21→大阪16→埼玉5 み中3 幼⚽②gw畷ｷｯｽﾞ小⚽⑥gw四條畷..

⚽3姉弟＆日々の記録⚽️ 💙ﾌｫﾛｰは知り合いのみ🖤 👩ち東京21→大阪16→埼玉4 👧み中3 幼⚽②gw畷ｷｯｽﾞ 小⚽⑥gw四條畷. View the profiles of people named 中村 知恵. 中村知恵 @zhongcunzhihui78.

Com › zhongcunzhihui78中村知恵 @zhongcunzhihui78 instagram photos and videos, 本日は中村知恵奨学生s実補の9 月よりのロンド, Com › list › videomadonna 巨婴云播. 震災で甚大な被害を受けた東松島は、デンマークと姉妹都市でしたから、震災後に世界一早く駆けつけてくださったのがデンマーク皇太子様 でした。read more, Outeregobyhondroutwins selftan faketan shonti bhaiya bike riding 😂🤣😅fyppppppppppppppppppppppp cartoon capcut fyp viralvideo million viral tomoenakamura中村知恵flop quá rồi chời quơi 😮‍💨, （初回限定）爆乳ムチムチ妻の下品なマラ喰い肉欲生活 中村知恵 パンティと生写真付き 001_nacr196tk dvd 現在在庫切れです。.

呦呦 Pikpak

10+件の「chie nakamura」のプロフィール, 現在は、it技術を活用し、農家の皆様が抱える業務効率化などの課題解決に取り組んでいます。 将来的には、現在の農家の多くの方々が抱える少量多品種の生産という. 内部ストレージと本体メモリ違い facial recognition porn search, Com › public › 中村知恵中村 知恵 profiles facebook. 現在、全国370以上の介護事業所を運営しています。海外では、中国を中心に有料老人ホームの運営や開発コンサルティング等の事業を展開。 「認知症を超える, See photos and videos from.

震災で甚大な被害を受けた東松島は、デンマークと姉妹都市でしたから、震災後に世界一早く駆けつけてくださったのがデンマーク皇太子様 でした。read more.. Project formulation advisor jica afghanistan office.. Com › xiaohui98 › iptvfuliiptvfuli未分类..

内部ストレージと本体メモリ違い facial recognition porn search. Contribute to xiaohui98iptvfuli development by creating an account on github. 概要 2015年にフィッチでデビューしたのはグラマー av女優 です。 名前、知（知恵）は日本語でトモエとして読まれますが、通常はチエでよく読まれているため、名前は誤って中村チエとして知られています。. （初回限定）爆乳ムチムチ妻の下品なマラ喰い肉欲生活 中村知恵 パンティと生写真付き 001_nacr196tk dvd 現在在庫切れです。. 「100％の環境なんてない」 テレビマンだから作れた映画『有吉.

学生へのメッセージ グローバル化の進む現在は、異文化と接する機会が増え、価値観が変容しやすい状況にあります。 自分が当たり前に思う常識や価値観が通らない場面に遭遇することもあり得ます。, 車内にて両親と妹と自分の4人でしりとりをしていたところ勝手に人名縛りになったどころか「かすみりさ→佐山愛」、「うさぎ美優→羽咲みはる」、「木村つな→仲川そら」、「美咲かんな→ 中村知恵」という父親とのコンボにより女性陣から引かれその, 山くらg→宮原sg 中⚽inac白岡scl れ小5 幼⚽②gw畷ｷｯｽﾞ小⚽gw四條畷, 早稲田大学 国際学術院 准教授（心理言語学）. View the profiles of people named 中村知恵. Original sound song created by suna pradhan.

가부키초 만지회 中村知惠 ，1990年11月30日出生於神奈川縣，日本av女優。基本信息中文名：中村知惠 其它外文名：中村知恵 別名：なかむらともえ 出生日期：1990年11月30日 性別：女 國籍：日本 出生地：神奈川縣. 山くらg→宮原sg 中⚽inac白岡scl 👧れ小5 幼⚽②gw畷ｷｯｽﾞ 小⚽gw四條畷. Jp › teacher › nakamura_tomoe中村 知恵 サイバー大学 通信制大学. 山くらg→宮原sg 中⚽inac白岡scl れ小5 幼⚽②gw畷ｷｯｽﾞ小⚽gw四條畷. Watch the latest videos about original sound on tiktok. 小马拉大车 pikpak

行简 pikpak 이웃 4,988 명 어릴적부터 지나친 손장난으로 키가 자라지 않아 더이상 여자닝겐과는 사랑을 할수없는 금신사 형이다. Jp › realtime › search「中村知恵」のx（旧twitter）検索結果 yahoo. 内部ストレージと本体メモリ違い facial recognition porn search. Followers, 87 following, 18 posts 中村知恵 @zhongcunzhihui78 on instagram. 山くらg→宮原sg 中⚽inac白岡scl 👧れ小5 幼⚽②gw畷ｷｯｽﾞ 小⚽gw四條畷. 麻雀ファイトガール hitomi

叫我局长 sotwe 中村知惠 （日語： 中村知恵，1990年11月30日—）， 神奈川县 出身的 日本 av女優。隸屬於fitch事務所。. View the profiles of people named 中村 知恵. 山くらg→宮原sg 👦た小2 幼⚽③宮原 小⚽宮原245 followers 378 following. 山くらg→宮原sg 中⚽inac白岡scl 👧れ小5 幼⚽②gw畷ｷｯｽﾞ 小⚽gw四條畷. Contribute to xiaohui98iptvfuli development by creating an account on github. 珊瑚 sango fantrie

가치아쿠타 22화 넷플릭스 お金がなくても、ちょっとした知恵で都市の病を効果的に治すことができる、「都市の鍼治療」を代表する事例です。 前向きに変化を遂げた360事例を収集. 「100％の環境なんてない」 テレビマンだから作れた映画『有吉. Jp › realtime › search「中村知恵」のx（旧twitter）検索結果 yahoo. Com › list › videomadonna 巨婴云播. 経歴 「フィッチ専属決定！ 隠しきれない108cmhcup爆乳妻avデビュー 中村知恵」で2015年にデビュー。 タイトルにもある108cmhcupの胸を持つ人妻女優 1。 趣味は、料理とショッピング。.

疯狂动物城2中文版线上看 Join facebook to connect with 中村知恵 and others you may know. Jp › realtime › search「中村知恵」のx（旧twitter）検索結果 yahoo. （初回限定）爆乳ムチムチ妻の下品なマラ喰い肉欲生活 中村知恵 パンティと生写真付き 001_nacr196tk dvd 現在在庫切れです。. 「100％の環境なんてない」 テレビマンだから作れた映画『有吉. （初回限定）爆乳ムチムチ妻の下品なマラ喰い肉欲生活 中村知恵 パンティと生写真付き 001_nacr196tk dvd 現在在庫切れです。.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.