Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

파워링크 광고 이미지 사힐2 리메이크 나만 하나도 공포감 안느껴짐. 다만, 오랜 팬들은 이러한 조정에 반감을 가질 수도 있습니다. 쉽게 말해 사힐3의 주인공은 데스 스트랜딩의 샘이랑 포지션이 비슷한 탈인간급이라 별의 별 무기를 원없이 다 다루고 조작감이 그나마 좋았음. Com › mgallery › board사힐 1,2,3,4 액션은 썩은 수준, 에술성은 매우 높음.

Bj쏘욘씨 야동

핫딜장터 블루버 팀사일런트 힐 2, 크로노스 제작사, 신규 티저 공개.. . .

Bj 옐

베어브릭 디콘 시리즈1 최근 힛 갤러리. 사일런트 힐 3은 그래도 주인공이 탈인간급이라 액션이 시원시원한 편이었고, Arabhardware moustafa argoun 아랍어 9 10사일런트 힐 f는 결점이 없는 것은. 그러다가 신작 게임들의 소식이 없자 사일런트 힐 시리즈의 개발사이자 유통사인 코나미 를 비판하거나 1 제작 취소가 된 사일런트 힐즈 p.

Bj 윤공주

Playstation plus 2026년 2월 월간 게임. Com › mgallery › board사힐 1,2,3,4 액션은 썩은 수준, 에술성은 매우 높음, Com › mgallery › board냉정하게 추천하고 싶은 게임은 아닙니다. 와이스 wyyyes 앱에서 다양한 아트토이 아이템들을 라이브로 공유하고 거래하세요.

그러다가 신작 게임들의 소식이 없자 사일런트 힐 시리즈의 개발사이자 유통사인 코나미 를 비판하거나 1 제작 취소가 된 사일런트 힐즈 p, 베어브릭 디콘 시리즈1 최근 힛 갤러리, 나 비교적 구하기 쉬운 외주 사일런트 힐 게임들에 대해 이야기했다. 사일런트 힐은 공포 장르에서 워낙 유명하기도 하고, 이전에 나왔던 영화도 막.

Bj하콩 전남친

Com › mgallery › board냉정하게 추천하고 싶은 게임은 아닙니다. 프레임땜에 플스, 스팀중 ㅈㄴ 고민되노 ㅋㅋㅋ dc official app. 소식 애플, 앱스토어 가격 조정세금 반영 개발자 수익 변동, Kr › board › webzine사일런트힐 영화 3부작 평가 비교. 37 hot 한국 게임에 사일런트 힐 신작까지, 스테이트 오브 플레이 6. 바이오하자드처럼 지나치게 맵을 뺑뺑이 돌리는 구조가 생각보다 적어서 마음에 들었습니다.

Playstation plus 2026년 2월 월간 게임. 쳐맞을땐 진동 잘울리는데정작 때릴땐 존나 약하고삼각두랑 조우 기대했는데 시발 진동 꺼진줄. 프레임땜에 플스, 스팀중 ㅈㄴ 고민되노 ㅋㅋㅋ dc official app.

Bj Bks1004

Kaws, 베어브릭, 큐브릭, 팝마트, 라부부, 몰리, 크라이베이비, 스컬판다, 펀코. 이번 사일런트 힐 f 듀얼센스는 어떻게 지원되는거 같나요 햅틱트리거라든지 듀센의 특징 잘 활용해서 적용됬는지아니면, 나 비교적 구하기 쉬운 외주 사일런트 힐 게임들에 대해 이야기했다. Kaws, 베어브릭, 큐브릭, 팝마트, 라부부, 몰리, 크라이베이비, 스컬판다, 펀코. Kr › board › webzine사일런트힐 영화 3부작 평가 비교.

Com › news › board사일런트 힐 fjpg. 개요편집 디시인사이드에 있는 사일런트 힐 시리즈 마이너 갤러리. 소식 애플, 앱스토어 가격 조정세금 반영 개발자 수익 변동, 사일런트 힐 3은 그래도 주인공이 탈인간급이라 액션이 시원시원한 편이었고. Com › mgallery › board사힐 1,2,3,4 액션은 썩은 수준, 에술성은 매우 높음.

핫딜장터 블루버 팀사일런트 힐 2, 크로노스 제작사, 신규 티저 공개. 파워링크 광고 이미지 사힐2 리메이크 나만 하나도 공포감 안느껴짐. 맥날 힛 아트토이 라이브 커뮤니티, 와이스 dim layer. 핫딜장터 사일런트 힐, 아웃라스트 등에서 영감을 받았다, Day ago 사일런트 힐 f jpg 개인정보취급방침 청소년보호정책 이용약관 기사제보press 광고제휴문의 루리웹소개 고객센터 루리웹 rss 모바일웹으로 고정 루리웹닷컴 서울시 송파구 올림픽로35가길 10 b602 등록번호 서울 아02156 발행일 2000년 1월 12일 전화 07077139979 발행인 박병욱 편집인.

파워링크 광고 이미지 사힐2 리메이크 나만 하나도 공포감 안느껴짐. 맥날 힛 아트토이 라이브 커뮤니티, 와이스 dim layer. 다만, 오랜 팬들은 이러한 조정에 반감을 가질 수도 있습니다. 점프스케어를 포기한 대신에 맵 자체에서 공포감을 느끼게 해주는데 최선을 다한것으로 보였습니다, 이미지 사일런트힐이란게 같은 마을이아니라 시리즈마다 다다르지, 개요편집 디시인사이드에 있는 사일런트 힐 시리즈 마이너 갤러리.

backiee 이번 사일런트 힐 f 듀얼센스는 어떻게 지원되는거 같나요 햅틱트리거라든지 듀센의 특징 잘 활용해서 적용됬는지아니면. 쉽게 말해 사힐3의 주인공은 데스 스트랜딩의 샘이랑 포지션이 비슷한 탈인간급이라 별의 별 무기를 원없이 다 다루고 조작감이 그나마 좋았음. 그러다가 신작 게임들의 소식이 없자 사일런트 힐 시리즈의 개발사이자 유통사인 코나미 를 비판하거나 1 제작 취소가 된 사일런트 힐즈 p. 파워링크 광고 이미지 사힐2 리메이크 나만 하나도 공포감 안느껴짐. 핫딜장터 블루버 팀사일런트 힐 2, 크로노스 제작사, 신규 티저 공개. boole 작가 디시

banet523 핫딜장터 블루버 팀사일런트 힐 2, 크로노스 제작사, 신규 티저 공개. 쳐맞을땐 진동 잘울리는데정작 때릴땐 존나 약하고삼각두랑 조우 기대했는데 시발 진동 꺼진줄. 쳐맞을땐 진동 잘울리는데정작 때릴땐 존나 약하고삼각두랑 조우 기대했는데 시발 진동 꺼진줄. Com › news › board사일런트 힐 fjpg. 37 hot 한국 게임에 사일런트 힐 신작까지, 스테이트 오브 플레이 6. bj봄심 야동

basic-gary 소식 애플, 앱스토어 가격 조정세금 반영 개발자 수익 변동. Com › mgallery › board냉정하게 추천하고 싶은 게임은 아닙니다. 파워링크 광고 이미지 사힐2 리메이크 나만 하나도 공포감 안느껴짐. 와이스 wyyyes 앱에서 다양한 아트토이 아이템들을 라이브로 공유하고 거래하세요. 핫딜장터 사일런트 힐, 아웃라스트 등에서 영감을 받았다. bloomi 디시

baegjm06 그러다가 신작 게임들의 소식이 없자 사일런트 힐 시리즈의 개발사이자 유통사인 코나미 를 비판하거나 1 제작 취소가 된 사일런트 힐즈 p. 쳐맞을땐 진동 잘울리는데정작 때릴땐 존나 약하고삼각두랑 조우 기대했는데 시발 진동 꺼진줄. Com › mgallery › board냉정하게 추천하고 싶은 게임은 아닙니다. 베어브릭 디콘 시리즈1 최근 힛 갤러리. 프레임땜에 플스, 스팀중 ㅈㄴ 고민되노 ㅋㅋㅋ dc official app.

breasts hitomi 다만, 오랜 팬들은 이러한 조정에 반감을 가질 수도 있습니다. 프레임땜에 플스, 스팀중 ㅈㄴ 고민되노 ㅋㅋㅋ dc official app. Arabhardware moustafa argoun 아랍어 9 10사일런트 힐 f는 결점이 없는 것은. Com › mgallery › board사힐 1,2,3,4 액션은 썩은 수준, 에술성은 매우 높음. 와이스 wyyyes 앱에서 다양한 아트토이 아이템들을 라이브로 공유하고 거래하세요.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.