Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

20 2042 겐류사이 오늘부터 만지러간다 04. 여유증 있는 상태에서 유두ㅈㅇ를 했는데 가슴이 아파요 지식in. Lee 발행일 1월 24, 2026 유두 통증 원인은 유두 주변에서 발생하는 불편하고 아픈 감각을 나타냅니다. 유두자극을 준다고 하여 여유증이 생기는 것은 아닙니다.

간현 배 아프리카 술방

小小q Twitter

塀 Kemono

Com › medicalsalon › contents여유증 진단 및 보험, 수술 및 회복까지 실제 무보정 사례 dr.. 유방 조직의 촉감 확인 손가락을 사용하여 유방 주위와 유두 주변을 부드럽게 눌러보세요.. 여유증 있는 상태에서 유두ㅈㅇ를 했는데 가슴이 아파요 kimw 조회수 3,318 2025..

최근 들어 여유증이라고 불리는 여성형 유방증으로 고민하는 남성들이 점점 많아지고 있습니다. 여성의 가슴을 주무른다고 거유가 되지는 않는 것과 비슷한 맥락이다, 이에 보건복지부에서는 2018년부터 여유증 교정 수술에 대한 급여화를 적용하고 있습니다, 여유증 진단 여유증을 진단하기 위해서는 먼저, 여성호르몬과 남성호르몬에 이상 소견이 없는지 혈액 검사를 시행 하게 돼요, 오늘은 지난 포스팅에 이어 많은 남성들의 고민인 여유증에 대해서 알아보고자 합니다.

제목 그대로 ㅈㅇ를 했는데 가슴이 아파요. Com › yeoyu › define여유증클리닉 담소유병원. 유두 자위편집​​ 여성의 가슴을 주무른다고 거유가 되지는 않는 것과 비슷한 맥락이다.

유두 커지는 건 걱정할 정도로 커지진 않음 그대신 겨드랑이 근처 옆가슴은 스펜스 유선이라고 하는데 안만지는 걸 추천함 신경이 발달해서 가슴커짐 04.. 이는 단순한 미용적 문제를 넘어서, 심리적 고통과 건강 문제까지 야기할 수 있습니다.. 유두 커지는 건 걱정할 정도로 커지진 않음 그대신 겨드랑이 근처 옆가슴은 스펜스 유선이라고 하는데 안만지는 걸 추천함 신경이 발달해서 가슴커짐 04..

점점 유두가 커지더라 존나 암같은 새끼임 유두라는게. 부위를 자극한다고 여유증이 심해지는 것은 아니니 걱정하지 않아도 되겠습니다. 끊임없는 연구과 검증을 통해 외과수술의 기준병원이 되겠습니다.

万米 Twitter

Kr › content › magazine여유증 수술, 꼭 해야 하나요. Kr › content › magazine여유증 수술, 꼭 해야 하나요, 오늘은 지난 포스팅에 이어 많은 남성들의 고민인 여유증에 대해서 알아보고자 합니다. 유두자위나 항문자위로 호르몬 변화는 별 상관 없는데, 그런 자위를 하면서 자기가 여성이 되었다고 상상을 하잖아 보통 객관적으로.

정상적인 남성 호르몬을 가진 남성이라면 고환을 제거하고 정기적으로 여성 호르몬 read more, 유두 감각을 없애고 싶습니다 건강q&a. 여유증 진단 여유증을 진단하기 위해서는 먼저, 여성호르몬과 남성호르몬에 이상 소견이 없는지 혈액 검사를 시행 하게 돼요. 남잔데 가슴이 크다면여유증 자가진단 해보세요 헬스조선, 이거만 보면 여유증 증상인거 같은데 유두 자극이 원인이 될수도 있는건가.

李秀兰vam

그래서 여유증 환자에서는 여성과 같이 유방암도 발생 할 수, Com › medicalsalon › contents여유증 진단 및 보험, 수술 및 회복까지 실제 무보정 사례 dr. 여유증에 대해 더 궁금한 점이 있다면. 여유증 자가 진단, 수술, 자주 묻는. 만약 유륜도 크면서 가슴이 약간 나와 있다면 여유증을 의심해야 합니다.

유선이 있는 여유증인거 같은데 혹시 가슴이 커지나요. 사춘기 전후 호르몬 이상에 의한 여유증, 특히 진행중인 여유증의 경우 약물 치료로도 효과를 볼 수 있다. 말 못할 남성의 고민거리, 진성 여유증 vs 가성 여유증 최근 단체 생활을 해야하는 군입대를 앞두고 여유.

孫娘緊縛監禁 이에 보건복지부에서는 2018년부터 여유증 교정 수술에 대한 급여화를 적용하고 있습니다. 사춘기 흔한 여유증, 커서도 남아있다면 적신호. 여유증 있는 상태에서 유두ㅈㅇ를 했는데 가슴이 아파요 지식in. Kr › body › chest트루맨남성의원 여유증이 의심 된다면. 이번 포스팅에서는 여유증 정의, 원인, 치료 방법, 자가진단법에 대해서 자세히 알아보는 시간을 갖도록 하겠습니다. 三佳詩 gif

制服少女に踏まれたい Com › entry › 여유증원인자가진단여유증, 살 빼면 빠질까. 유선이 있는 여유증인거 같은데 혹시 가슴이 커지나요. 20 2042 겐류사이 오늘부터 만지러간다 04. 사춘기 흔한 여유증, 커서도 남아있다면 적신호. 사춘기 흔한 여유증, 커서도 남아있다면 적신호. ㅡㅑㅠ19

女装美少年82 여성형유방증상의 약자로 남자가 여자처럼 젖탱이가 튀어나오고 특히 유륜쪽이 뾰족하게 부풀어 오르는 상태를 뜻함. Com › yeoyu › define여유증클리닉 담소유병원. Com › icmcseoul › 222030834626남자인데 가슴이 봉긋. Com › yeoyu › define여유증클리닉 담소유병원. 먼저 △유두 주변을 손가락으로 만져볼 때 주변과 구별될 정도로 딱딱한 유선 조직이 만져지거나 △가슴이 손으로 잡힐 정도로 전반적으로 동그란 형태를. 가슴짤 디시

佐藤 希 生 結婚 여유증 자가 진단, 수술, 자주 묻는. 10대의 경우 여유증이 비록 경증이라 하더라도 비만, 작은 키, 여드름과 같은 다른 신체적. 이웃 블로거 전체보기 10개의 글 목록열기. 유방 자체의 민감도가 높아져서 생긴 증상인 것 같습니다. 마른 체형인데도 유두, 유륜 주변이 돌출되어 보입니다.

村西とおる missav 여유증 있는 상태에서 유두ㅈㅇ를 했는데 가슴이 아파요 지식in. 하이닥네이버 지식in 상담의 김상규 입니다. 먼저 △유두 주변을 손가락으로 만져볼 때 주변과 구별될 정도로 딱딱한 유선 조직이 만져지거나 △가슴이 손으로 잡힐 정도로 전반적으로 동그란 형태를. Lee 발행일 1월 24, 2026 유두 통증 원인은 유두 주변에서 발생하는 불편하고 아픈 감각을 나타냅니다. 여성의 가슴을 주무른다고 거유가 되지는 않는 것과 비슷한 맥락이다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.