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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

다만 인팁의 경우, 질투라는 감정이 스스로를 지배하는 것을 끔찍하게 싫어한다는 공통점이. 예를 들어, 프리랜서, 컨설턴트, 작가와 같은 직업은 intp의 자율성을 보장할 수 있는 분야입니다. Com › board › intp_mbti디시인사이드. 현자님 그냥 하던대로 지속적인 관심 표현을 계속 할까요.

난 사랑하는 부모님과 함께 있거나, 사랑하는 관계에 있는 사람들을 보면 질투심이 나.. Intp는 깊은 유대감을 느끼는 사람에게 강한 충성심을 가지며, 그들이 자신의 관심을 다른 사람에게 뺏기면 불안감과 질투를 느낄 수 있습니다.. 저는 나이도 좀 있고, 다양한 경험을 통해 사회화가 진행중인 인팁이라서 사회화가 안 된 인팁과는 차이가 클 수 있습니다.. Intp 질투, intp 정 떨어질 때, intp 매력, intp 싫어하는 말, intp 좋아하면, intp 싫어하는 사람, intp 손절, intp 인간관계, intp 대인관계, intp 약속, intp 성향, intp 유형, intp 타입, intp 설명, intp 칭찬, intp 화나면, intp 화났을 때, intp 행동, intp 장난, intp 의사소통, intp 연애방식..

Com › Board › Intp_mbti디시인사이드.

Net › 576404152istp가 질투 없다는 거 구라임 Dogdrip.

사람마다 질투 유발 요인은 각각 다르며, 이 부분은 개인의 심리적인 부분과 연결되기 때문에 단순히 mbti만으로 규정짓기에는 무리가 있습니다, 내가 만약 엔프피가 나랑은 안놀아 줄거야, 내가 만약 엔프피가 나랑은 안놀아 줄거야. Intp에게 질투라는 감정은 참 받아들이기 힘든 감정이고, 이분법적인 사고로 나를 안좋아하는구라고 받아들일 수 있기 때문에.

Intp에게 질투라는 감정은 참 받아들이기 힘든 감정이고, 이분법적인 사고로 나를 안좋아하는구라고 받아들일 수 있기 때문에, 난 사랑하는 부모님과 함께 있거나, 사랑하는 관계에 있는 사람들을 보면 질투심이 나, 장문나 헌팅당했어라는 말을 들었을때 인팁의 사고방식, 그래서 intp과 썸을 타고 있거나, 짝사랑을 하고 있거나, 이게 플러팅인가 싶다 싶은 사람들한테, 이런 인팁도 있다는걸 야깐 알려주고 싶어서 쓰는 글.

객관적인 분석가, 아이디어 뱅크, 논리학자, 건축가, 논리적인 사색가의 mbti, 그렇다면 intj들의 질투 유발 원인은 어디에 있을까. 이런 생각을 하면서 질투심이 더 생기면 짜증나기 시작한다, Intp는 깊은 유대감을 느끼는 사람에게 강한 충성심을 가지며, 그들이 자신의 관심을 다른 사람에게 뺏기면 불안감과 질투를 느낄 수 있습니다.

9 그녀의 작은 표현을 귀하게 여기는 태도가 중요해요. Com › mgallery › boardintp 이상형 intp 마이너 갤러리. 엔프피들은 연인들이 질투하면 짜릿해 하는 거 같음, 잇팁 질투없다는거 구라임 ㅇㅇ 121, 인팁은 아무리 가까운 상대에게라도 소유욕을 느끼거나 질투심을 느끼는 모습을 보여주고 싶어하지 않습니다, 다만 인팁의 경우, 질투라는 감정이 스스로를 지배하는 것을 끔찍하게 싫어한다는 공통점이.

Com › Mgallery › Boardintp 이상형 Intp 마이너 갤러리.

3 흥미로운 주제에 대해 토론하거나, 질문을 통해 그의 사고에 들어가 보세요. 내가 왜 이런 생각을 하고 있는 거지. 잇팁 질투없다는거 구라임 ㅇㅇ 121, Com › entiz › readintp 인간관계 손절잘하시는분들후회하시나요. Intp가 질투를 느끼는 경우는 주로 자신이 중요하게 생각하는 관계에서 상대방이 다른 사람과 더 가까워질 때입니다, 그게 다 친한친구가 다른친구랑 놀때 질투해서 이게 정상은 아니라고 생각한뒤로 질투라는 감정을 거세함.

태어난 김에 사는 남자11, 패션왕, ○○8412.. 현자님 그냥 하던대로 지속적인 관심 표현을 계속 할까요..

12 넌 나를 믿는구나란 감정을 느끼게 해주는 것이 핵심. Intp에게 질투유발이 통하지 않는 이유 mbti 연애고민상담. 물론 intj도 사람이니 질투를 느낀다, 사람마다 질투 유발 요인은 각각 다르며, 이 부분은 개인의 심리적인 부분과 연결되기 때문에 단순히 mbti만으로 규정짓기에는 무리가 있습니다. 내가 만약 엔프피가 나랑은 안놀아 줄거야.

제가 모든 intpa를 대표하는 여자는 아닙니다, 인팁 intp 한테 소유욕, 집착, 질투 받아본 경험 궁금한 달글, 예를 들어, 프리랜서, 컨설턴트, 작가와 같은 직업은 intp의 자율성을 보장할 수 있는 분야입니다, 모든 영상은 intpt의 기준으로 제작되고 있습니다. 이런 생각을 하면서 질투심이 더 생기면 짜증나기 시작한다, 감정 표현이 서툴고 즉흥적인 애정 표현을 잘하지 않지만, 자신이 신뢰하는 사람에게는 나름의 방식으로 깊이 있는 애정을 표현하는 특징이.

6k views 이러면 intp 다 도망간다 intp가 극혐하는 플러팅 mbti 연애. 감정 표현이 서툴고 즉흥적인 애정 표현을 잘하지 않지만, 자신이 신뢰하는 사람에게는 나름의 방식으로 깊이 있는 애정을 표현하는 특징이, 현자님 그냥 하던대로 지속적인 관심 표현을 계속 할까요. 내가 그럼 ㅅㅂ 짝사랑만8년함 ㅂㅅ임 개 ㅅㅂㅅㅂ 내 8년.

최선영 누드 Net › 576404152istp가 질투 없다는 거 구라임 dogdrip. ㄹㅇ펙트임 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 한명좋아하면 ㄹㅇ 짝사랑만 8년이상함. 그게 다 친한친구가 다른친구랑 놀때 질투해서 이게 정상은 아니라고 생각한뒤로 질투라는 감정을 거세함. 인티제는 질투심을 포함해 어떤 종류의 감정이든 자신의 행동을 통제하지 않도록 노력한다. 질투 유발 금지 소유욕이 강한 편입니다. 초등학교 남자아이 레고

최솜이 아헤가오 연말 파자마파티, 컬러링 파자마파티 아이디어 질투에 대해 언급되는 이유를 알려주는 유쾌한 유머 영상입니다. 사람마다 질투 유발 요인은 각각 다르며, 이 부분은 개인의 심리적인 부분과 연결되기 때문에 단순히 mbti만으로 규정짓기에는 무리가 있습니다. Intp에게 질투라는 감정은 참 받아들이기 힘든 감정이고, 이분법적인 사고로 나를 안좋아하는구라고 받아들일 수 있기 때문에. 나는 공식검사 결과 intp였다가 요즘은 nt계열 4가지가 그때그때 다르게 나옴. 제가 모든 intpa를 대표하는 여자는 아닙니다. 천사의 악마 아헤가오

천만여신 히토미 태어난 김에 사는 남자11, 패션왕, ○○8412. 객관적인 분석가, 아이디어 뱅크, 논리학자, 건축가, 논리적인 사색가의 mbti. 인팁은 아무리 가까운 상대에게라도 소유욕을 느끼거나 질투심을 느끼는 모습을 보여주고 싶어하지 않습니다. Intp는 깊은 유대감을 느끼는 사람에게 강한 충성심을 가지며, 그들이 자신의 관심을 다른 사람에게 뺏기면 불안감과 질투를 느낄 수 있습니다. Intp에게 질투라는 감정은 참 받아들이기 힘든 감정이고, 이분법적인 사고로 나를 안좋아하는구라고 받아들일 수 있기 때문에. 최면 스프레이

참예슬 팬트리 야동 장문나 헌팅당했어라는 말을 들었을때 인팁의 사고방식. 사람마다 질투 유발 요인은 각각 다르며, 이 부분은 개인의 심리적인 부분과 연결되기 때문에 단순히 mbti만으로 규정짓기에는 무리가 있습니다. 사람마다 질투 유발 요인은 각각 다르며, 이 부분은 개인의 심리적인 부분과 연결되기 때문에 단순히 mbti만으로 규정짓기에는 무리가 있습니다. 잇팁 질투없다는거 구라임 ㅇㅇ 121. 그저 수많은 intpa 중 한 사람의 지극히 개인적인 이야기일 뿐이니 참고만하세요.

채 수민 중위 디시 연말 파자마파티, 컬러링 파자마파티 아이디어 질투에 대해 언급되는 이유를 알려주는 유쾌한 유머 영상입니다. 나 정식 검사 intp인데 이 말도 맞지만 좋아하는데도 거슬릴 수 있음. 9 그녀의 작은 표현을 귀하게 여기는 태도가 중요해요. 일단 밑에 헌팅관련으로 얘길하다가 인팁사고방식을 이해 못하길래 새로 글씀. 일단 나를 포함한 인팁들은 대부분 인간에게 회의적인 스탠스를 취하는 read more.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.