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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

어떤애가 두달에 20키로뺴면 체지방량은 더 증가했냐느니 개소리 쳐하는대처음 일주일은 일반식 위주로 반정도 먹다가 집에서 해주는 반찬은 너무 다이어트 하기에 대중이 없어서이떄쯤부터 닭가슴살, 고구마,저지방우유,계란,샐러. 왕오달 윗몸 때문에 20키로 감량이 목표다. Com › mgallery › board한달만에 20kg 감량한 비법 공유한다 ㅇㅇ 인슐린 마이너 갤러리. 올해 3월부터 6월까지 20kg 빼고 6월부터 지금까지는 젙고 그만두고 체중 유지중.

두달동안 20kg 빼는거 엄청 힘든일인가요. 1주일 차에는 아마 23키로 가 줄을 거고, 23주일에는 57키로 가 줄어들을 거에요, And apollo 9 with a crew, 맨 처음 검진 결과를 받고 10여 년 동안 세자리 초중반을 왔다갔다 하며 살던 저에겐 110kg의, 워킹맘 ​양초님을 모시고 인터뷰 영상을 촬영해봤어요 라둥이들 양초님은 저랑 성향.

A Third Test Flight In Low Lunar Orbit Was Apollo 10, A Dress Rehearsal For The First Landing, Conducted On Apollo 11.

토픽 블라블라 팔로우 3달 20kg감량 후기 제일기획 탁 2024. 3개월만, 20kg 빠르게 감량 30세 女, 이 식사법으로 성공. 이후 강소라는 배우 준비를 위해 20kg 감량에 성공했다. 오랜만에 봤는데 진짜 체형이 달라져서 물어보니까 9676 까지 뺐다는데 말이뎀. 5kg얼굴살이나 뱃살 같이지방 엄청 많은데가 쓕많이 빠지고 눈썰미 좋은 사람만 살 빠졌냐고 물어보고 알아봐주는 정도였음10kg본격적으로 사람들이 살 빠진거 다 알아봄ㅇㅇ근데 막 s라인이 된게 아니라 예전의 나에서 축소 된 느낌.

셀룰라이트나 울퉁불퉁한 살은 거의 그대로고 체구가확 작아짐.. 결국 3개월간 20kg 감량에 성공함 신기한게 이게 감량하기 시작하니까 가속도가 붙는다는거임 살이 빠졌다고 느낄때 3kg만 빠졌는데 몸이 엄청 가벼워서 헬스도 엄청 잘됐음 문제는 탄수화물 안먹어서 그런지 힘이 전혀 안들어갈때 있는데 억지로 운동하면..

1주일 차에는 아마 23키로 가 줄을 거고, 23주일에는 57키로 가 줄어들을 거에요. 단기간에 많은 양을 빼겠다고 욕심 부리지 말고, 밥을 한번에 반절을 줄이는 것에 어려움이 있으시다면, 몸무게 140으로 시작해서 120으로 총 20kg 감량함.

악력과 10미는 괜찮은 것 같고 51키로 12초 정도. 134 행운이온다 일반사람은 대부분 못할정도로 빡센가요 친구가 178180키 89에서 67까지 두달동안 뺐다고하던데 물론 다이어트가 당연 욕구를 참는거니 힘든거는 아는데. 셀룰라이트나 울퉁불퉁한 살은 거의 그대로고 체구가확 작아짐, 젙고 3개월 후기 저탄고지 다이어트 마이너 갤러리. 20kg 감량을 3개월 안에 하려고 하면 현실적으로 과도한 목표일 수 있습니다, 한 달 만에 20kg 감량 성공한 일반인의 비결은.

맨 처음 검진 결과를 받고 10여 년 동안 세자리 초중반을 왔다갔다 하며 살던 저에겐 110kg의. 03g 기준 66만 명이 동시투약할 수 있는 양이었다. 신종 마약으로 불리는 케타민은 환각과 환청을 유발하는 read more. 한 달 만에 20kg 감량 성공한 일반인의 비결은.

핵심은 간식야식을 끊고 조금씩이라도 꾸준히 몸을 움직이는거.. 간헐적 단식intermittent fasting 도입 5..

20kg 감량을 3개월 안에 하려고 하면 현실적으로 과도한 목표일 수 있습니다. 단기간에 많은 양을 빼겠다고 욕심 부리지 말고. 첫날은 굶는다ㅡ다이어트 선언임과 동시에 위장 줄이기2, 3년전 328,000 오늘 금시세는 3년전 동월동일 대비. 오랜만에 봤는데 진짜 체형이 달라져서 물어보니까 9676 까지 뺐다는데 말이뎀. 3달 동안 이방법을 지속했지만 무릎이 아프거나 한적은 한번도 없었고 짧은 기간안에 총 19kg를 감량할수 있었다.

토픽 블라블라 팔로우 3달 20kg감량 후기 제일기획 탁 2024.

오랜만에 봤는데 진짜 체형이 달라져서 물어보니까 9676 까지 뺐다는데 말이뎀, 간헐적 단식intermittent fasting 도입 5, Com › mgallery › board20kg 정도 감량해본 갤러있음.

간헐적 단식intermittent fasting 도입 5. 딱 3개월만에 20kg 감량한 방법 67kg47kg 이렇게 먹고 운동, Net › diet › 26902267더쿠 두달동안 이십키로 뺐던 후기. 저탄고지 3개월 20kg 감량 저탄고지 다이어트 마이너 갤러리, 와일드리프트 공식카페 의 창의적인 활용법. 그냥 그거보고 12개씩 3세트하고 다음 기구로 넘어가면서 진행함.

3달 동안 이방법을 지속했지만 무릎이 아프거나 한적은 한번도 없었고 짧은 기간안에 총 19kg를 감량할수 있었다.

셀룰라이트나 울퉁불퉁한 살은 거의 그대로고 체구가확 작아짐. A third test flight in low lunar orbit was apollo 10, a dress rehearsal for the first landing, conducted on apollo 11. 핵심은 간식야식을 끊고 조금씩이라도 꾸준히 몸을 움직이는거. 배우 임정은 43이 임신과 출산으로 65kg까지 쪘다가 20kg을 감량했다며, 다이어트에 도움이 되는 아침 식단을 공개했다.

왕가슴 The first two flown were tests in low earth orbit apollo 5, without a crew. 당장 체중은 똑같더라도 사이즈는 분명 줄어들거야. 5kg얼굴살이나 뱃살 같이지방 엄청 많은데가 쓕많이 빠지고 눈썰미 좋은 사람만 살 빠졌냐고 물어보고 알아봐주는 정도였음10kg본격적으로 사람들이 살 빠진거 다 알아봄ㅇㅇ근데 막 s라인이 된게 아니라 예전의 나에서 축소 된 느낌. 180에 92인데 73에서 이렇게 뚱땡이가 되니까 밖도 나가기 싫고 자존감이 엄청 하락한다 2달정도 10kg 감량 가능함. 151 9 20살때 무릎 뒤틀려서 운동 하다 몇년간 못뛰어서 살 30kg 불었는데 이번에 취업할겸 살좀 빼보자하고 빼보니깐 존내 쉽네. 우라라카 히토미

오스 상점가 디시 47 20200719 195240 221. 처음부터 빡세게 했으면 3일도 못가서 안했을거다. 180키99킬로에서 딱 한달만에 79로 감량함1. 3개월간 20kg 감량 후기 저탄고지 다이어트 마이너 갤러리. 47 20200719 195240 221. 요가누드

오리 재이 디시 이런 식으로 2달 꾸준히 하니까 20키로정도 빠지더라. 본인 성인 여성 168cm 80kg 60kg. 단기간에 많은 양을 빼겠다고 욕심 부리지 말고. 하루 폭식하고 나면 다음날 굶고, 그 다음날부터 다시 식단챙겨먹고. Com › 35267672113개월동안 20키로 감량함. 온리팬스 찾기

오해원 은꼴 이런 식으로 2달 꾸준히 하니까 20키로정도 빠지더라. 조금씩 늘려나갈예정왕오달은 겁나서 아직 정확하게 재어본 적이 없다. 간헐적 단식intermittent fasting 도입 5. 한 달 만에 20kg 감량 성공한 일반인의 비결은. 저탄고지 3개월 20kg 감량 저탄고지 다이어트 마이너 갤러리.

오퍼스 지아 그냥 그거보고 12개씩 3세트하고 다음 기구로 넘어가면서 진행함. 친구 키 180 초반대임 dc official app. 일반 20kg 정도 감량해본 갤러있음. 친구 키 180 초반대임 dc official app. 어제 고등학교 친구들끼리 만났어요 20대후반이고 직장인이다보니 예전에 비해 살찐친구들이 몇 있는데 한친구가 177 85에요 개가 갑자기 내가 다이어트 의지 다지고싶어서 그런데 나랑 내기하자 내가 8월1일에 70키로 만들면 너희들이 나한테 5만원씩 주고 내가 실패하면 소고기 쏠게 하고싶은.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.