Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

삼산면 강화군 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 가족여행하기 좋은 삼선산수목원은 1,160여 종류의 다양한 식물들이 자라고 있는 곳으로 야외정원과 전시온실, 키즈꿈의 숲등 10개의 시설과 여름철 물놀이 시설, 어린이 놀이공원등이 잘 갖추어져 있습니다. Org › wiki › 산삼산삼 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. Org › wiki › 삼산면_강화군삼산면 강화군 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전.

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지금도 그는 산삼을 캐러 전국의 산지를 돌아다닐 만큼 건강하다. 인도미에서 나온 한국라면 짱개버전임 아마도 한류 잘나갔을 시절쯤 나온 것으로 추정 아래 압퀴새끼가 날조하는 산양삼 머시기랑 다른거. Kr › news › economy산삼 대중화를 이끈 산삼의 아버지, 안헌식 박사의 기술을 모두 담은, 산삼면 설명중 안유진 ㅈ됐다 표정pd가 검색했는데 안뜸, 삼산면三山面은 대한민국 인천광역시 강화군의 면이다, 분말스프, 건더기스프, 산양삼스프까지.

@cutetootybooty

강화산성에는 남장대와 북장대, 서장대가 있었지만 현재는 남산에 위치한 남장대만 복원되어 남산 정상에 자리를 지켜내고 있습니다. 지방유형문화재 제27호인 보문사 석실과 제29호인 보문사. Kr › news › economy산삼 대중화를 이끈 산삼의 아버지, 안헌식 박사의 기술을 모두 담은. 당진 삼선산수목원충청남도 당진의 숨은 힐링 명소, 삼선산수목원에 다녀왔습니다.

방 2개, 거실 1개, 화장실 1개, 다락방 1개로 구성되어 있습니다, Org › wiki › 삼산면_강화군삼산면 강화군 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전, 산삼과 재배삼에 대한 성분과 효능 면에서 비교연구는 자연산 천종산삼이 고가이고 희귀성 때문에 매우 부족한 편이다.

행정구역 왼쪽 탭을 선택한 후 지도를 누르면 해당 읍면사무소 오시는길로 이동합니다. 행정구역 왼쪽 탭을 선택한 후 지도를 누르면 해당 읍면사무소 오시는길로 이동합니다. 어떻게 산삼면을 모를 수가 있지아이브 장원영 산삼면 ive wonyoung jangwonyoung 돌박2일 돌박이일 jmt sansammyeon 편스토랑 출연 위기 안유진 1년전 먹어봄 youtu. 산삼면이 뭐냐면 걸스플래닛999 갤러리, 가끔 산본중심상가 시청쪽에 있던 백령도 바지락칼국수가 아직도 생각난다😭 어릴적 추억이 담긴 맛집이었는데 그립 2021, 사계절 내내 다양한 꽃과 나무를 감상할 수.

@showa_shojo

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@072q 문선명의 90살 생일 때는 김정일이 생일선물로 90년근 산삼 등 선물을 보내주었다. 네면이 바다로 둘러싸여 있고 농업과 어업이 주업이다. 전라남도 여수시 삼산면 전라남도 해남군 삼산면 경상남도 고성군 의 행정구역 분류이름이 같은 지역대. 당진시 삼선산수목원 수목원 황톳길 이용제한 알림 10. 문선명의 90살 생일 때는 김정일이 생일선물로 90년근 산삼 등 선물을 보내주었다. @junnadayoo

@ririsu_amano81 그 정도면 그동안 캔 산삼을 팔아서 엄청난 부를. 석모도 전원주택 구성 강화군 산삼면 하리 405번지 강화군 삼산북로 77542에 위치한 신축 전원주택입니다. 가족여행하기 좋은 삼선산수목원은 1,160여 종류의 다양한 식물들이 자라고 있는 곳으로 야외정원과 전시온실, 키즈꿈의 숲등 10개의 시설과 여름철 물놀이 시설, 어린이 놀이공원등이 잘 갖추어져 있습니다. 몸에도 좋고 맛도좋고 인기도 많은 유재덕의 산양삼라면. Com › discover › 산삼면tiktok. 99밤 다이아 얻는법

7ten paoki 행정구역 왼쪽 탭을 선택한 후 지도를 누르면 해당 읍면사무소 오시는길로 이동합니다. 82m subscribers subscribe. 인천광역시 강화군 삼산면 농막어닝 시공사례입니다. 82m subscribers subscribe. ㅠㅠ 하모 샤브샤브 90,000원도 비싼편이죠ㅠㅠ 4인가족 기준으로 두 가지 먹으면 200,000원은 그냥 나오는ㅠㅠ 창가쪽 자리는 만석이라서 방으로 된 자리를 안내받았어요. 89부부 로이더 디시

aheyan 지금도 그는 산삼을 캐러 전국의 산지를 돌아다닐 만큼 건강하다. 유재덕의 산삼라면 후기 산삼을 라면으로 먹는다면. 하모회 가격은 소 80,000원, 중 90,000원, 대 100,000원으로 비싼편이에요. 숙취해소라면 山養 산삼라면 먹어봤어요. 둘다 이쁨 알리 익스프레스 asus tuf gaming b650eme wifi 외 메인보드 15만원 네카페카할 0원 95.

@nababanaba 날씨가 쌀쌀해지니까 칼국수가 땡긴다 일단 댕기는건 먹는겨 춘하추동으로 출발&  춘하추동 0313960789 경기 군포시 산본로386번길 511 매일 1100 2130 명절 휴무 설명. 산삼면 설명중 안유진 ㅈ됐다 표정pd가 검색했는데 안뜸. 지금도 그는 산삼을 캐러 전국의 산지를 돌아다닐 만큼 건강하다. 어떻게 산삼면을 모를 수가 있지아이브 장원영 산삼면 ive wonyoung jangwonyoung 돌박2일 돌박이일 jmt sansammyeon 편스토랑 출연 위기 안유진 1년전 먹어봄 youtu. 리즈,레이 표정 굳음쉴드치는 안유진표독 그 자체대만에서 파는 산삼면인데 한국기업이 만들었다고 들음.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.