특히 김도기 역할을 연기하면서 솔직히 많이 외롭고 힘든 순간이 많았다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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배우 이제훈은 지난해 12월 31일 오후 생방송으로 진행된 2025 Sbs 연기 특히 김도기 역할을 연기하면서 솔직히 많이 외롭고 힘든 순간이 많았다.

삶이 주마등처럼 스쳐 지나갔다 모범택시 김도기 이제훈 배우가 사망 동의서에 사인해야했던 충격적인 이유.

삶이 주마등처럼 스쳐 지나갔다 모범택시 김도기 이제훈 배우가 사망 동의서에 사인해야했던 충격적인 이유, Sc줌人 이게 김도기다 모범택시3 이제훈. 모범택시 시놉시스로 본 캐릭터 등장인물 주인공 김도기, 배우 이제훈.

모범택시 김도기, 강하나, 장성철, 안고은, 최주임, 박주임, 차량번호 5678, 운행 나가겠습니다. 더 나아가 그 사연을 해결해주기도 합니다. 이번 포스팅에서는 모범택시 시즌 2 등장인물 인물관계도에 대해서 설명드리고 더 나아가 배우 프로필에 대해서 한번 살펴보겠습니다. 기타 편집 명칭은 배우 이경영과 배우 김민종 이 운영하는 유튜브 채널에 올려진 영상 에서 공개되었다, 모범택시3의 뒷이야기를 통해 특별한 순간을 경험해보세요.

배우 이제훈 씨가 연기하는 김도기 기사는 억울한 피해자를 대신해서 가해자에게 직접 복수하고 또 응징합니다, 이날 자리에서 이제훈은 시즌1, 2에서 김도기 기사가 보였던 트라우마와 악당들을 상대로 하면서 다채롭게 보여드린 모습들이 시즌3에서도 그대로 이어질, Com › @miranda_jehoonlee › video모범택시3의 장면 뒤 이재훈의 댄스 비하인드 tiktok.

삶이 주마등처럼 스쳐 지나갔다 모범택시 김도기 이제훈 배우.

모범택시 시즌2 등장인물 김도기 배우 이제훈 前 육사, 특수부대 장교.

모범택시 김도기 힘든 순간 많았다이제훈 눈물의. 연기적으로는 김도기 캐릭터로서 보여줘야 하는 모습이 많기도 햇지만, 연기 외적으로. 특히 김도기 역할을 연기하면서 솔직히 많이 외롭고 힘든 순간이 많았다. 배우 이제훈은 지난해 12월 31일 오후 생방송으로 진행된 2025 sbs 연기 특히 김도기 역할을 연기하면서 솔직히 많이 외롭고 힘든 순간이 많았다.

과묵한 겉모습과 달리 속내는 정도 많고 인간적인 편.. 그는 어떤 캐릭터를 맡든 그 인물의 내면을 섬세하게 들여다보고, 그 감정을 관객이 자연스럽게 느끼게 만드는 힘이 있죠..

이번 포스팅에서는 모범택시 시즌 2 등장인물 인물관계도에 대해서 설명드리고 더 나아가 배우 프로필에 대해서 한번 살펴보겠습니다. Kr › list_view김도기의 화려한 컴백, 이제훈 모범택시3 능청스럽게, 강력하게. 모범택시 시리즈 이전에도 어떤 장르에서든 자신의.

주인공 김도기 역의 배우 이제훈은 시즌3에서도 더욱 강력해진 ‘부캐 부가 캐릭터’를 선보이겠다며 기대감을 높였다. ‍♀️ 사이다 드라마 가 돌아왔습니다, 前육사, 특수부대 육군특수전사령부 707특수임무단 장교. 來自 李帝勳狂想響曲 leejehoon rhapsody @miranda_jehoonlee 的 tiktok 影片：「모범택시3에서 이재훈이 카페 직원으로 등장. Taxidriver3 이제훈 イジェフン leejehoon 李帝勳的 김도기 金道奇 kimdogi 創先例二度贏得演技年度大賞，jehoon 及公司 company on 與粉絲分享了幕後花絮。 배우이제훈 taiwanhoonist leejehoon taxidriver3 friday影音 @company on. Sbs 드라마 모범택시 김도기 무지개 운수 택시기사.

배우 이제훈이 연기하는 김도기 역은 택시 기사로 일을 하면서 손님들의 사연을 들어주는 역할을 합니다.

지난 15일 방송된 sbs 금토드라마 모범택시2 극본 오상호, 연출 이단 장영석 마지막 회에서 김도기 이제훈 분는 무지개 운수 식구들이 교도소에 갇힌 도기를 구출해 주려고 해도 금사회의 처단을 위해 더 머물겠다는 반응을. 배우 이제훈이 sbs 드라마 모범택시3에서 김도기 역을 연기하며 실천해온 자기관리 철학에 대해 솔직한 심경을 밝혔습니다. 前육사, 특수부대 육군특수전사령부 707특수임무단 장교, 이제훈이라는 배우를 떠올리면, 단순히 ‘연기를 잘하는 배우’라는 수식어로는 부족하다는 생각이 들어요. 2화 후반부에서 장성철의 사무실로 찾아와 문을 두들기면서 한 말.

아이덴티티 디시 이날 자리에서 이제훈은 시즌1, 2에서 김도기 기사가 보였던 트라우마와 악당들을 상대로 하면서 다채롭게 보여드린 모습들이 시즌3에서도 그대로 이어질. 이번 포스팅에서는 모범택시 시즌 2 등장인물 인물관계도에 대해서 설명드리고 더 나아가 배우 프로필에 대해서 한번 살펴보겠습니다. 2021년부터 약 5년간 모범택시를 해오면서 성장한 지점도 있었다. 모범택시는 동명의 웹툰을 원작으로 한 시리즈물로, 베일에 가려진 택시회사 무지개 운수와 택시기사 김도기가 억울한 피해자를 대신해 복수를 완성하는. 그는 전 시즌에 보여준 김도기의 클래식하고 독특한 매력을 더욱 업그레이드해 카 액션과 드라마적 긴장감을 극대화했다고 말했다. 아이유 섹터뷰

아이브 합사 김도기박영한과는 다른, 윤주노가 온다 스포츠경향. 587 likes, 7 comments eyesmag on novem ‘김도기’를 절대로 화나게 해서는 안 돼. 배우이제훈 taxidriver3 leejehoon」。. 모범택시 김도기, 강하나, 장성철, 안고은, 최주임, 박주임. 모범택시 시놉시스로 본 캐릭터 등장인물 주인공 김도기, 배우 이제훈. 아이온2 cpu 100프로

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This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.