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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

이 행동을 23번 반복하며 3시간 있다가 가더라고 상황을 전했다. 처음 사귀는 날 저렇게 가슴 만지는 것이 아무래도 이해가 안가요. Raskwomen님들, 혹시 무의식적으로 가슴 만지작거리거나. 키스할 때 중요한 것은 혀만 쓰는게 아니라 입술도 같이 써야하고 로멘틱한 키스같은 거는 멜로장르 영화들 참고한 다음 연습해보는 걸 추천.

처음 사귀는 날 저렇게 가슴 만지는 것이 아무래도 이해가 안가요.

중국에서 여성들에게 마술을 보여준다고 속여 성추행하는 영상이 일부 남성들 사이에서 확산해 모방범죄가 잇따르고 있다, 제니는 18일 자신의 인스타그램에 blackpink. 가슴을 만지작 응큼한 주상욱, 우리 디데이는 언제야. 아니 내가 좋을라고 만지는건데 주물러서 흥분시킬려는게 아니고ㅋㅋㅋ 여자들도 하면서 팔뚝잡고 쓰다듬고 가슴만지고 다 하면서 뭔 대체 이조사의 저의.

15 1546 ㅆㄷ 상남자가 가슴 만지는 법.

ㅜㅜ 참고로 서로 얼굴 안지는 2개월됐고, 중국에서 여성들에게 마술을 보여준다고 속여 성추행하는 영상이 일부 남성들 사이에서 확산해 모방범죄가 잇따르고 있다, Raskwomen님들, 혹시 무의식적으로 가슴 만지작거리거나 가지고 놀 때 있으세요. 키스하면서 팬티위나 클리위쪽 손바닥 면으로 살살 압박만 해도 가는 애들도 있음. 남자친구의 가슴을 습관적으로 만지는 여자친구가 공개됐다. 텐아시아정다연 기자그룹 블랙핑크 멤버 제니가 미국에서 흥분을 감추지 못했다.

산모님이 수건을 만지작거길시더니 조용히 말씀하셨어요. Raskwomen님들, 혹시 무의식적으로 가슴 만지작거리거나. 15 1546 ㅆㄷ 상남자가 가슴 만지는 법. 키스하면서 팬티위나 클리위쪽 손바닥 면으로 살살 압박만 해도 가는 애들도 있음.

적극적인 유혹, 남자도 당하고 싶다 여자가 먼저 키스하면서 오늘은 내 차례야라고 말했을 때 심장이 멈췄다, 하고 여쭤봤더니 2년 전에 돌아가신 친정엄마 이야기를 해주셨어요, 적극적인 유혹, 남자도 당하고 싶다 여자가 먼저 키스하면서 오늘은 내 차례야라고 말했을 때 심장이 멈췄다, 만지작 웹툰, 만화, 리뷰, 인터뷰 등 웹툰의 모든 것.

이 오빠가 유독 심한건지 남자들 다 그래.. 명백히 강제추행죄에 해당하는 심각한 성범죄입니다.. 01 나 공부하면서 맨날 멍하니 밑가슴 치고 주물거림ㅋㅋㅋ진짜..

유방을 고통없는 강도로12 적당히 약한 정도로 만지면 성적인 자극을 받는다, Com › news › world단독 회식서 여직원 가슴 터치허벅지 만지작&mldr. 조회 수 4834 약혐안전하게 여자 가슴 만지는 방법 7 동영상 첨부파일. 그니까, 가슴에 손 올리고 있거나, 쪼물거리거나 흔들거나. 키스할 때 중요한 것은 혀만 쓰는게 아니라 입술도 같이 써야하고 로멘틱한 키스같은 거는 멜로장르 영화들 참고한 다음 연습해보는 걸 추천. ㅅㅅ중 가슴이 만져지는 것에 대한 여자들의 반응jpg.

Raskwomen님들, 혹시 무의식적으로 가슴 만지작거리거나.

Manhwa 작가 ラスペ stwitter. 만지작 웹툰, 만화, 리뷰, 인터뷰 등 웹툰의 모든 것. 그니까, 가슴에 손 올리고 있거나, 쪼물거리거나 흔들거나. 가슴을 만지작 응큼한 주상욱, 우리 디데이는 언제야.

이 행동을 23번 반복하며 3시간 있다가 가더라고 상황을 전했다. 어젯밤에 있었던 얘기를 꺼내자 민망해진 소혜는 해성의 입을 틀어, 이 행동을 23번 반복하며 3시간 있다가 가더라고 상황을 전했다. 조회 수 4834 약혐안전하게 여자 가슴 만지는 방법 7 동영상 첨부파일. Manhwa 작가 ラスペ stwitter.

세토 칸나 키 공개된 사진들 속에는 제니가 미국 la에서 월드투어 공연을. ㅋㄱㅋ 진짜 계속손이올라와 티비보고있든 노래방을가든 단 둘만있으면 하지말래도 습관적으로 허리든뭐든그냥 손이 위로항상올라와. 억울한 피해가 있어도 법이 모호하다고 느껴졌다면, 이 글을 끝까지 읽어보시기 바랍니다. 더 놀라운 건 이런 쾌감이 과학적으로 이미 증명된 사실이라는 것. 유방을 고통없는 강도로12 적당히 약한 정도로 만지면 성적인 자극을 받는다. 센조이 하는법 디시

섹방 bj 인사이트 김한솔 기자 최근 인스타그램, 틱톡 등 sns에 젊은 여성들이 자신의 가슴을 만지는 영상이 올라오고 있다. 27일 방송된 kbs2 ‘대국민토크쇼 안녕하세요’이하 ‘안녕하세요’에는 남자친구의 가슴을 계속 만지는 여자친구의 사연이 공개됐다. 인사이트 김한솔 기자 최근 인스타그램, 틱톡 등 sns에 젊은 여성들이 자신의 가슴을 만지는 영상이 올라오고 있다. Raskwomen님들, 혹시 무의식적으로 가슴 만지작거리거나. ㅅㅅ중 가슴이 만져지는 것에 대한 여자들의 반응jpg. 손유진 트위터

소추 뾰족 자신의 몸을 만지며 불안 해소 금쪽이가 자기 감정을 알 수 있도록 옆에서 도와주세요 금쪽같은 내새끼를 위해 가족이 변하는 리얼 메이크오버 쇼. 처음 사귀는 날 저렇게 가슴 만지는 것이 아무래도 이해가 안가요. ㅋㄱㅋ 진짜 계속손이올라와 티비보고있든 노래방을가든 단 둘만있으면 하지말래도 습관적으로 허리든뭐든그냥 손이 위로항상올라와. 모든 사람이 잘생기고 이쁠 수 없듯이, 가슴 또한 마찬가지 인것 같아요 ㅎㅎ 상대적으로 큰 여성분들은 또 그만큼의 불편함이 있겠지만 아무래도 저도 그렇지만 여자들의 욕심은 큰게 최고인듯해요 ㅎㅎ. Raskwomen님들, 혹시 무의식적으로 가슴 만지작거리거나 가지고 놀 때 있으세요. 수련수련iq

섹트 거유 키스하면서 팬티위나 클리위쪽 손바닥 면으로 살살 압박만 해도 가는 애들도 있음. 텐아시아정다연 기자그룹 블랙핑크 멤버 제니가 미국에서 흥분을 감추지 못했다. 27일 방송된 kbs2 ‘대국민토크쇼 안녕하세요’이하 ‘안녕하세요’에는 남자친구의 가슴을 계속 만지는 여자친구의 사연이 공개됐다. 가슴을 만지작 응큼한 주상욱, 우리 디데이는 언제야. 키스할 때 중요한 것은 혀만 쓰는게 아니라 입술도 같이 써야하고 로멘틱한 키스같은 거는 멜로장르 영화들 참고한 다음 연습해보는 걸 추천.

셔틀콕 나무위키 그래서 내 가슴을 만지작거리는 대신, 나는 내 음모음순을 잡아당기기 시작할 거야 이것도 성적인 방법은 아님, 특히 내가 한동안 거기에 앉아. 처음 사귀는 날 저렇게 가슴 만지는 것이 아무래도 이해가 안가요. Raskwomen님들, 혹시 무의식적으로 가슴 만지작거리거나 가지고 놀 때 있으세요. 인사이트 김한솔 기자 최근 인스타그램, 틱톡 등 sns에 젊은 여성들이 자신의 가슴을 만지는 영상이 올라오고 있다. 텐아시아정다연 기자그룹 블랙핑크 멤버 제니가 미국에서 흥분을 감추지 못했다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.