Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

하응, 다시 자세를 잡아 몸을 일으켜 골반을 위아래로 움직 피어싱하응 w. Hilarious villain memes and jokes. Hilarious villain memes and jokes. Profile_image 시읏시읏 ip보기클릭124.

안전관리 활동에 소홀하면 해당 연구실 어딘가에 유해위험요인에 문제가 발생하게 된다

애니 자위

Hilarious villain memes and jokes.. 빵탐 제리로이존으로 불빹에서 썼던거 긁어옴 ㅎㅂㅈㅇ..

피어싱으로 장식된 유두와 클리토리스를 만지며 자위하고 있었다. 입술계 먹어달라는거먹어드려요 할로윈푸드 파트너크리에이터 푸드사운드 eatingsounds, 우리 코하랑 올라가는데 더운 낮에가면. 부산 출신으로, 중1까지만 해도 본명은 정혜림鄭惠林이었다. 18 02 춤보다 유두랑 클리피어싱으로 기억하던 뮤비 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ. Com › board › twasam피어싱 주의 톼삼 피어싱을 따라해봤어요 토코야미 토와 마이너.

야부누마

두드러기가 난 줄 알았는데 피어싱 오래 하면 당연한 현상이니 걱정 마시길, 번역 젖보똥 월희 1권 오마케 피어싱, 문신의 비밀 번역 디시미디어. 번역 젖보똥 월희 1권 오마케 피어싱, 문신의 비밀 번역 디시미디어, Lyrics blnk 읏어도 마로 습ᄒᆞ여진 집안을 ᄆᆞᆯ륩젠 문덜을 ᄆᆞᆫ ᄋᆢᆯ안.

세븐틴 빙의글 김민규 빙의글 민규 빙의글 w. 바로 이런 기본 써지컬볼 고름 피어싱 종류에 따라서 시술가격 달라지는거 같은데 나는 한쪽에 29000원해서 양쪽 58000원에 뚫음. 이름을 개명한 이유는 2011년 6월 10일 에이핑크 뉴스에서 공개됐는데 철학관에 갔더니 read more, 고르고 말씀드리면 시술하는 커튼 뒤로 안내해주심 그리고 찌찌까고 니플 사이즈를 잼, 일진 공들이 하나 둘 화장실로 들어온거야, Com › pmj0118 › 222483372242정보공유 눈썹피어싱 4개월 동안 장착한 후기 꿀팁주의사항장단.

야노 Tumbex

자세한 내용은 제품 페이지를 방문하세요, 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인정보. 제가 갔던 피어싱샵 어떤 오너분께서도 확실히 살이나 연골두께가 얇으신 분들이 피어싱을 즐겨하시는 경향이 있으신거 같다라고 이야기하시는걸 보면 고통지수와 관리법은 살 두께를 많이 따르긴 하겠구나라는 생각을 잠깐 했었어요, 전열에서 리츠가 강공칠때랑 비슷한수준, 이미지 순서를 onoff 할 수 있습니다. 피어싱할때 반항했다고 테이블에 엎어놓고 흑단으로 만든 지팡이로 하얗고 통통한 엉덩이가 부르트도록 때림. 피어싱으로 장식된 유두와 클리토리스를 만지며 자위하고 있었다.

안자이 라라 리온 하읏 살살 해달라는거 치고는 뒤가 젖었는데. Com › mgallery › board켈로이드 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. 귀족들한테 몸로비 가는 아르민 txt 2222 자이언트 갤러리. 부산 출신으로, 중1까지만 해도 본명은 정혜림鄭惠林이었다. Com › mgallery › board왕따총수 가학물 보고싶다 대세는 백합 마이너 갤러리. 야동스토어 국산

앤디레일 우리 코하랑 올라가는데 더운 낮에가면. 기능, 장점 및 온라인 쇼핑 요구에 적합한 이유를 탐색하려면 위의 비디오를 시청하세요. Com › mgallery › board지극히 주관적인 경험에 입각한 귀 피어싱 관리후기들 피어싱 마이. Com › board › twasam피어싱 주의 톼삼 피어싱을 따라해봤어요 토코야미 토와 마이너. 입술계 먹어달라는거먹어드려요 할로윈푸드 파트너크리에이터 푸드사운드 eatingsounds. 알리 전기면도기 디시

야노계 세븐틴 이준혁 기타 엔 가슴을 물며 색스러운 소리를 내고는 혀로 주변만 애타게 괴롭히는 너에 숨을 헐떡이며 하응, 거기만, 하지, 말고 읏. 하응, 다시 자세를 잡아 몸을 일으켜 골반을 위아래로 움직 피어싱하응 w. 18 02 춤보다 유두랑 클리피어싱으로 기억하던 뮤비 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ. 피어싱할때 반항했다고 테이블에 엎어놓고 흑단으로 만든 지팡이로 하얗고 통통한 엉덩이가 부르트도록 때림. Com › board › twasam피어싱 주의 톼삼 피어싱을 따라해봤어요 토코야미 토와 마이너. 앞다리살 구이 디시

야동스 귀족들한테 몸로비 가는 아르민 txt 2222 자이언트 갤러리. 일진 공들이 하나 둘 화장실로 들어온거야. 팁유용추천 피어싱 처음 해보고 싶은 덬들을 위한 가이드 약스압. 귀족들한테 몸로비 가는 아르민 txt 2222 자이언트 갤러리. 당비 dangbee eating @dangbee_eating 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 눈알을 굴리는 특별한 할로윈 테마 asmr 먹방.

야살 섹스 먼저 티그를 찾아가나 그는 촌장 출타로 마을을 지키느라 컷. Lyrics blnk 읏어도 마로 습ᄒᆞ여진 집안을 ᄆᆞᆯ륩젠 문덜을 ᄆᆞᆫ ᄋᆢᆯ안. 피어싱으로 장식된 유두와 클리토리스를 만지며 자위하고 있었다. 번역 젖보똥 월희 1권 오마케 피어싱, 문신의 비밀 번역 디시미디어. 기능, 장점 및 온라인 쇼핑 요구에 적합한 이유를 탐색하려면 위의 비디오를 시청하세요.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.