Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

게임 이웃 8,421 명 포켓몬, 디지몬, 유희왕, 건담, 메이플, 던파 직접 한것, 관심가는 것만 포스팅하는 노친목질 개인블로그입니다. 괴인공주 초s 201910202110 만화 갤러리. 도s 으억우득 득도s 모 목숨은 건졌네도s 이건괴인의 피도s 히어로 놈들. 아마이 마스크 수정 깊게 생각해보자 스압 원펀맨 마이너.

【ed治療クリニック】健全にちんぽを診察され、正しい自慰行為を教えられるシチュが性癖を捻じ曲げてきた。。。014

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دعم Iqos

도s 으억우득 득도s 모 목숨은 건졌네도s 이건괴인의 피도s 히어로 놈들, 한번 맞으면 세뇌되는 채찍을 들고 노출도가 높은 의상을 입은 여성 인간형 괴인, 모스키토녀vs초s괴인공주 원펀맨 마이너 갤러리, 하지만 등장한지 2화만에 사이타마에게 패배. 살려달라 비는거 엎드리게한후 존나 거칠게 박고싶다 ㅅㅂ 보지 따뜻하고 꽉 꽉 조일듯. 머리 꽃은 일반압타있는데 그러면 마스크가 안됨 ㅠㅠ하트♡ 하트♡ 핡핡트.

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かおり Pikpak

살려달라 비는거 엎드리게한후 존나 거칠게 박고싶다 ㅅㅂ 보지 따뜻하고 꽉 꽉 조일듯, 원펀맨 마이너 갤러리 후부키 초s 동인지 안나오냐. 원펀맨몬스터 프린세스괴인공주 초s 촬영준비 영상. 배경은 그라데이션, 파티클 텍스쳐, 필터만 사용했고 심플 합니다. 작중에서 모습을 보면 히어로 활동을 하면서 드라마 촬영이나 각종 tv 코너에 출연하는 등, 탤런트 수준의 활동도 왕성하게. 초s도 오랫동안 채찍으로 잡힌 인질들 괴인화 시켜서 못 돌아간다고 했고 냐앙도 한번 괴인이 되면 절대 인간이 못 된다고 했음.

22 23 리메이크 65화에서 괴인공주 초s 에 세뇌되어 지옥의 후부키 를 제외한 전원이 전율의 타츠마키 에 덤벼들었다가 모조리 나가떨어지며 병원 신세를 지게 되었다.. 부하들이 이미지 초s 이대로 지반에 깔려 사망이면 one 죽이고싶을듯 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ.. 이 혐오스러운 모습을 보여주면서 아마이마스크를 회유하려들다 실패하자 노예로 만들어주겠다며 덤벼든다.. 디시인사이드의 만화 갤러리에서 다양한 만화 관련 정보를 공유하고 소통할 수 있습니다..

여주인공 괴인공주 도s 여주인공 이번엔 안 놓칠 거야, 이때 눈이 하트 눈으로 변하고 전투시에는 이성을 잃은 것처럼 눈이 뒤집히며 세뇌 효과는 성별에 상관없이 적용된다, 괴인공주 초s 201910202110 만화 갤러리, Com › etcs › board원펀맨 괴인공주 초s가 사이타마를 만났었음 좋겠다, Com › watch원펀맨 3기 1화에서 삭제된 장면 ㄷㄷ 괴인공주 초s가 살린 장면 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ.

리메이크의 초s의 끔살 과정이 수정되어 이마이마스크의 정체를 눈치채고 끔살 되는것으로 전개가 바뀜. 괴인공주 초s가 타츠마키를 여동생이라 착각해 타츠마키를 여동생이라고, 여주인공 괴인공주 도s 여주인공 이번엔 안 놓칠 거야. 부하들이 이미지 초s 이대로 지반에 깔려 사망이면 one 죽이고싶을듯 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ. 동생이 s급이라 이득봤네 댓글 0 공유하기, 하지만 등장한지 2화만에 사이타마에게 패배.

이유는 매화마다, 심한 경우 수십초마다 널뛰기하는 액션 퀄리티 때문. 초s가 비웃으며 날린 채찍이 철썩하는 효과음을 내며 사이타마의 매끈한 대머리를 때리고 의외로 굉장히 찰진 감촉에 초s가 흥분했음 좋겠다. 나 초s님과 정면으로 승부하겠다니, 아직 100년은 멀었거든, 원펀맨 onepunchman 원펀맨 3기 1화에서 삭제된 장면 ㄷㄷ 괴인공주 초s가 살린 장면 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ. 결국 후부키가 고전했던 귀급 괴인 괴인공주 초s를 가볍게 제압하며 s급에 해당할 정도로 강하다는 것을 증명했다.

괴인공주 초s 201910202110 만화 갤러리. 괴인공주 초s를 만난 게 사이타마였음 좋겠다. 도s 으억우득 득도s 모 목숨은 건졌네도s 이건괴인의 피도s 히어로 놈들, 채찍에 맞은 대상은 특수한 자극에 의해 초s의 노예가 되어버린다, 부하들이 이미지 초s 이대로 지반에 깔려 사망이면 one 죽이고싶을듯 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ.

みら184 일부 이펙트는 psd 용량 관계로 레이어와 배경을 합쳤습니다. 괴인공주 怪人姫 monster princess. この弩s様と まともに戦おうなんざ 100年早いんだよ. 이 약점 잘 이용하면 우위에 설 수 있을지도♡ 도s 결정했어. 이유는 매화마다, 심한 경우 수십초마다 널뛰기하는 액션 퀄리티 때문. كيفية شحن أجهزة iqos originals duo الأصلية

ネツアイプログレス hitomi 기념할만한 100명째 사랑노예는 너야 아마이마스크. Com › board › onepunchman괴인공주 초s 원펀맨 마이너 갤러리. 초s도 오랫동안 채찍으로 잡힌 인질들 괴인화 시켜서 못 돌아간다고 했고 냐앙도 한번 괴인이 되면 절대 인간이 못 된다고 했음. 초s가 비웃으며 날린 채찍이 철썩하는 효과음을 내며 사이타마의 매끈한 대머리를 때리고 의외로 굉장히 찰진 감촉에 초s가 흥분했음 좋겠다. 원펀맨 괴인공주 초s 최후 jpg 중세게임 마이너 갤러리. _jp,xhamster.com_

ブルームーンpikpak 수정판 152화 대사 원펀맨 마이너 갤러리. Com › board › onepunchman괴인공주 초s 원펀맨 마이너 갤러리. 일반 원펀맨 괴인공주 초s 최후 jpg. 이때 눈이 하트 눈으로 변하고 전투시에는 이성을 잃은 것처럼 눈이 뒤집히며 세뇌 효과는 성별에 상관없이 적용된다. 여주인공 괴인공주 도s 여주인공 이번엔 안 놓칠 거야. ㅁㄱ사이트

كيفية شحن iqos 3 duo 채찍에 맞은 대상은 특수한 자극에 의해 초s의 노예가 되어버린다. 디시인사이드의 만화 갤러리에서 다양한 만화 관련 정보를 공유하고 소통할 수 있습니다. 그렇다고 초s가 다벗어서 보지가랑이 벌라고 박히는게 나오냐. Com › indexㅇㅎ 원펀맨 리메이크에 등장하는 여캐들 1 유머움짤이슈 에. 이 혐오스러운 모습을 보여주면서 아마이마스크를 회유하려들다 실패하자 노예로 만들어주겠다며 덤벼든다.

_072q 괴인공주 초s 201910202110 만화 갤러리. Com › tjehdrms0908 › 220622649856원펀맨 리메이크 中 괴인공주 초s 네이버 블로그. 아마이 마스크 수정 깊게 생각해보자 스압 원펀맨 마이너. この弩s様と まともに戦おうなんざ 100年早いんだよ. 원펀맨 마이너 갤러리 후부키 초s 동인지 안나오냐.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.