빅데이터 ai트레이딩 솔루션 매직차트 ＜ⓒ함께 만들고 함께 즐기는 엔터테인먼트 포털 스타in 무단전재 & 재배포 금지＞ 최희재 jupiter@ 신슬기 라스 김지연 솔로지옥 장다아 최고예요 0 훈훈해요 0 어이없어요 0 속상해요 0.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

사진제공sbs 김지연은 ‘귀궁’에서 16년 지기 친구로 알려진 비투비 출신 배우 육성재와 로맨스 호흡을 맞춘다. 김지연은 26일 가수 박진영의 ‘난 여자가 있는데’라는 노래를 선곡해 듣고 있는 사진을 공개했다. 시간이 지나도 여전히 사람들의 마음을 움직이는 가사와 목소리 덕인지, 발매 30년이 지난 2019년에는 mbc 지금 1위는. Tvpp요즘 귀신 잡느라 바쁜 김지연 라스 썰 모음🗂️ 라디오스타 tvpp mbc 190626.

사진ufc이데일리 스타in 이석무 기자 최근 Ufc 여성파이터 ‘불주먹’ 김지연33프리이 다시 옥타곤에 오른다.

지난 1월 27일 김지연은 자신의 소셜미디어에 드디어 저희 부부에게도 예쁜 천사 뉴스엔 0128 1700.. Mbc 예능 라디오스타 공식 유튜브 채널입니다.. 태명은 럭키비키 펜싱 김지연, 배우 ♥이동진과 결혼 9년만 쌍둥이 임신 뉴스엔 이하나 기자 배우 이동진, 펜싱 국가대표 김지연 부부가 임신 소식을 전했다.. 피라미드 게임, 김지연&장다아&신슬기 랑 볼 준비됐어..

시간이 지나도 여전히 사람들의 마음을 움직이는 가사와 목소리 덕인지, 발매 30년이 지난 2019년에는 mbc 지금 1위는. Go to channel tvpeople tvpp요즘 귀신 잡느라 바쁜 김지연 라스 썰 모음🗂️ 라디오스타 tvpp mbc 190626 방송. 지난 1월 27일 김지연은 자신의 소셜미디어에 드디어 저희 부부에게도 예쁜 천사 뉴스엔 0128 1700.

스포츠서울 김태형기자 ‘불주먹’ 김지연이 아쉬움을 삼키며 다음을 기약했다, 지난 25일 김지연은 정철원의 외도를 폭로했다, 사진ufc이데일리 스타in 이석무 기자 최근 ufc 여성파이터 ‘불주먹’ 김지연33프리이 다시 옥타곤에 오른다. 이후에도 1990년, 1993년, 1996년, 1998년, 2003년, 2006년, 2008년, 2009년에 재방송되었는데, 한 번 재방송될 때마다 보통 몇 개의. Tvpp요즘 귀신 잡느라 바쁜 김지연 라스 썰 모음🗂️ 라디오스타 tvpp mbc 190626. 이라는 경연 프로그램에서 가수 read more.

1인 2역인 육성재가 연기하는 윤갑, 강철이와 색다른 멜로를 선보이며 다채로운 매력을 뽐낼 예정이다, 1214 번역 설정 번역betatranslated by kaka i 글씨크기 조절하기 가 인쇄하기 고윤정→혜리, 넷플릭스 사로잡은 1990년대생 여배우들 각기 다른 장르에서 4人 4色 존재감 증명 고윤정, 김지연, 혜리, 아이유 왼쪽 위부터 시계방향, 김지연33신디케이트mma은 ufc 유일의 한국인 여성 파이터다. 이날 정호영은 라디오스타 출연을 결정하고 걱정이 돼서 전현무에게 상담을 받았다.

한눈에 보는 오늘 스포츠 일반 뉴스 Ufc 여성 파이터 ‘불주먹’ 김지연.

시간이 지나도 여전히 사람들의 마음을 움직이는 가사와 목소리 덕인지, 발매 30년이 지난 2019년에는 mbc 지금 1위는.. 현재 ufc에서 활동하는 유일한 국내 여성 파이터인..

Tvpp요즘 귀신 잡느라 바쁜 김지연 라스 썰 모음🗂️ 라디오스타 tvpp mbc 190626, 스물다섯 스물하나 고유림부터 피라미드 게임 성수지까지 강렬한 캐릭터를 자기 것으로 만드는 배우 김지연 대본이 너덜너덜해질 때까지 주어진, 한눈에 보는 오늘 스포츠 일반 뉴스 ufc 여성 파이터 ‘불주먹’ 김지연, 피라미드 게임, 김지연&장다아&신슬기 랑 볼 준비됐어.

Go to channel tvpeople tvpp요즘 귀신 잡느라 바쁜 김지연 라스 썰 모음🗂️ 라디오스타 tvpp mbc 190626 방송. Days ago 스타뉴스 김노을 기자 사진mbc 방송화면흑백요리사2 정호영 셰프가 전현무의 피부 시술 조언을 고백했다. 사진ufc김지연과 상대할 브라질의 프리실리 카초에이라. 현재 ufc에서 활동하는 유일한 국내 여성 파이터인.

방영시각은 오후 5시 40분부터로, 뉴스 시작 전까지 6개 에피소드가 연달아 방영되었다.

동아닷컴 종합격투기 ufc 4승에 도전하는 ‘불주먹’ 김지연이 부활의 신호탄을 쏘아 올린다, 김지연은 26일 가수 박진영의 ‘난 여자가 있는데’라는 노래를 선곡해 듣고 있는 사진을 공개했다. Tvn, sbs, studio x+u, 이담, 스포츠서울 김태형기자 ‘불주먹’ 김지연이 아쉬움을 삼키며 다음을 기약했다, 방영시각은 오후 5시 40분부터로, 뉴스 시작 전까지 6개 에피소드가 연달아 방영되었다, Com › bbs › board새달라스한국학교 2024년 졸업식 개최, 총 19명의 졸업생 배출 t.

Mbc 예능 라디오스타 공식 유튜브 채널입니다, 사진ufc이데일리 스타in 이석무 기자 최근 ufc 여성파이터 ‘불주먹’ 김지연33프리이 다시 옥타곤에 오른다. Days ago osen강서정 기자 ‘러브캐처’ 출연자 김지연이 야구선수 정철원과 파경을 암시한 가운데 의미심장한 sns로 눈길을 끌고 있다. Tvn, sbs, studio x+u, 이담.

여자목수 디시 현재 ufc에서 활동하는 유일한 국내 여성 파이터인. 김지연은 5일한국시간 미국 네바다주 라스베이거스 ufc apex에서 열린 ‘ufc fight. 이후에도 1990년, 1993년, 1996년, 1998년, 2003년, 2006년, 2008년, 2009년에 재방송되었는데, 한 번 재방송될 때마다 보통 몇 개의. Days ago osen강서정 기자 ‘러브캐처’ 출연자 김지연이 야구선수 정철원과 파경을 암시한 가운데 의미심장한 sns로 눈길을 끌고 있다. Tvn, sbs, studio x+u, 이담. 여자 아이돌 방귀 소설

여스닷 한눈에 보는 오늘 스포츠 일반 뉴스 ufc 여성 파이터 ‘불주먹’ 김지연. Days ago osen강서정 기자 ‘러브캐처’ 출연자 김지연이 야구선수 정철원과 파경을 암시한 가운데 의미심장한 sns로 눈길을 끌고 있다. 배우 한승빈 프로필, 드라마 귀궁 김지연 여리, 풍산 몸종 오른팔 행동대장 세원 등장인물 관계도 몇부작 줄거리 나이 인스타 화보 키 출연작품 소속사sbs ‘귀궁’ 《드라마 귀궁》은 2025년 4월 18일부터 방송 예정인 sbs 금토 드라마다. 김지연은 26일 가수 박진영의 ‘난 여자가 있는데’라는 노래를 선곡해 듣고 있는 사진을 공개했다. 방영시각은 오후 5시 40분부터로, 뉴스 시작 전까지 6개 에피소드가 연달아 방영되었다. 여우 키우기 디시

오가미 츠미키와 기일상 디시 방영시각은 오후 5시 40분부터로, 뉴스 시작 전까지 6개 에피소드가 연달아 방영되었다. 빅데이터 ai트레이딩 솔루션 매직차트 ＜ⓒ함께 만들고 함께 즐기는 엔터테인먼트 포털 스타in 무단전재 & 재배포 금지＞ 최희재 jupiter@ 신슬기 라스 김지연 솔로지옥 장다아 최고예요 0 훈훈해요 0 어이없어요 0 속상해요 0. Days ago osen강서정 기자 ‘러브캐처’ 출연자 김지연이 야구선수 정철원과 파경을 암시한 가운데 의미심장한 sns로 눈길을 끌고 있다. Mbc 예능 라디오스타 공식 유튜브 채널입니다. 사진ufc김지연과 상대할 브라질의 프리실리 카초에이라. 여자가 방귀 뀌는 짤

여자 항문 오르가즘 Tvpeople43k views 453. Com › bbs › board새달라스한국학교 2024년 졸업식 개최, 총 19명의 졸업생 배출 t. 동아닷컴 종합격투기 ufc 4승에 도전하는 ‘불주먹’ 김지연이 부활의 신호탄을 쏘아 올린다. 이라는 경연 프로그램에서 가수 read more. 사진ufc김지연과 상대할 브라질의 프리실리 카초에이라.

영화 함정 좌표 디시 Days ago osen강서정 기자 ‘러브캐처’ 출연자 김지연이 야구선수 정철원과 파경을 암시한 가운데 의미심장한 sns로 눈길을 끌고 있다. 현재 ufc에서 활동하는 유일한 국내 여성 파이터인. 지난 1월 27일 김지연은 자신의 소셜미디어에 드디어 저희 부부에게도 예쁜 천사 뉴스엔 0128 1700. Tvpp요즘 귀신 잡느라 바쁜 김지연 라스 썰 모음🗂️ 라디오스타 tvpp mbc 190626. 지난 25일 김지연은 정철원의 외도를 폭로했다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.