Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

트위터 리스트는 한 사람당 20개의 리스트를 만들 수 있으며, 하나의 리스트에 500명을 넣을 수 있다. 트위터 리스트는 한 사람당 20개의 리스트를 만들 수 있으며, 하나의 리스트에 500명을 넣을 수 있다. Arforest @arforest_main. It’s what’s happening twitter.

Twisoyga

& according to julio borges who on twitter said that 108 journalists, as well as students and visitors, were among those stuck inside. 계정이 없으신 경우 아래 가입하기 버튼을 클릭해주세요 3, 트위터에 올리는 140자 이내 단문 메시지를 멘션 또는 트윗이라고 부릅니다. Com › kr__en_@kr__en_ x. 트위터에 접속하여 포스팅한 글 올렸지요.

Twidnuga

Arforest @arforest_main. 팔로우 내가 팔로우 중인 계정 확인언팔로우차단하기 트윗하기 멘션 사용법 트윗작성삭제트윗 리스트 확인 블로그유튜브 자료 트위터에 글 올리기 검색 검색 기본검색 리스트 삭제 고급검색검색 연산자 사용법 분석 애널리틱스 사용. 트위터의 시작부터 현재 까지를 정리해 놓았습니다 트위터 사용법의 시작 트위터란 무엇인가 클릭. 파랑새 아이콘을 상징으로 사용했던 트위터twitter 지저귀다는 2006년 미국 트위터 기업에서 출시한 sns 서비스이다. Days ago gif 등 트위터에 올려진 움짤 들은 다운로드하기 어려우므로 ezgif 같은 사이트를 이용해야 한다. 배우 송재림사진한경db 고인이 된 배우 송재림이 생전에 일본인 사생팬에게 괴롭힘을 당했다는 사실이 드러났다.

파랑새 아이콘을 상징으로 사용했던 트위터twitter 지저귀다는 2006년 미국 트위터 기업에서 출시한 sns 서비스이다. 트위터의 소통 구조는 우리 일상의 의사소통 구조 즉, 상호교섭적 활동과 닮아 있으며, 트위터의 관계맺기의 일방향성, 간편성, 확장성과 같은 특성으로 인해 트위터의, 파랑새 아이콘을 상징으로 사용했던 트위터twitter 지저귀다는 2006년 미국 트위터 기업에서 출시한 sns 서비스이다, 트위터twitter는 현재 미국에서 폭발적 인기를 모으고 있는 소셜 네트워크 서비스sns로, 마이크로블로깅microblogging짧은 메시지를 주고받는 블로그 웹사이트.

Twitterペギング

사진 포함 최대 140자까지 일상이나 생각 등의 단문을 작성할 수 있고 팔로우 시스템을 통해 이용자끼리 포스팅 내용을 확인할 수 있는 특징이 있다. Com › 트위터하는법트위터 하는 법 이미지 포함 wikihow. 줄리오 보게스는 트위터에 내부에 강혀 있는 사람들 중엔 기자 108명, 학생 및 방문객들도 있다고 적었다, 2022년 4월 25일 미국의 기업인 일론 머스크가 55조원에 트위터를 전격 인수했다고 발표하면서 언론의 자유는 민주주의의 근간이며, 트위터는 인류의 미래에 필수적인, 트위터 트위터 많이는 들어 보셨는데 도대체 트위터가 무엇인지 알고 시작 하셔야겠죠.

트위터쪽 사건이 좀 정리될때까지 쉬는걸로. 트위터 리스트는 한 사람당 20개의 리스트를 만들 수 있으며, 하나의 리스트에 500명을 넣을 수 있다. 계정 생성은 구글 계정, 가지고 계신 애플 계정으로 가입하실 수 있고 별도로 이메일이나 휴대폰 번호로 계정 생성이 가능합니다. Days ago gif 등 트위터에 올려진 움짤 들은 다운로드하기 어려우므로 ezgif 같은 사이트를 이용해야 한다.

그는 파란색 인증 배지를 8달러에 사게 하면 트위터의 봇이 제거될.. 트위터에 대해서 재대로 알고 시작하기 트위터란 무엇인가.. For honor 트위터에 새로운 비디오가 올라왔는데, 내가 모르는 미니언 변종들이 있더라..

Arforest @arforest_main, & according to julio borges who on twitter said that 108 journalists, as well as students and visitors, were among those stuck inside, & according to julio borges who on twitter said that 108 journalists, as well as students and visitors, were among those stuck inside. 트위터는 여성에게 두려운 공간이 될 수 있다. It’s what’s happening twitter twitter. & according to julio borges who on twitter said that 108 journalists, as well as students and visitors, were among those stuck inside.

사진 포함 최대 140자까지 일상이나 생각 등의 단문을 작성할 수 있고 팔로우 시스템을 통해 이용자끼리 포스팅 내용을 확인할 수 있는 특징이 있다, 여성들이 트위터에 알리고 싶은 온라인 폭력의 진실. Jpg 알렉스 퍼거슨 이 2011년 5월 20일 기자회견에서 남긴 명언. 사진 포함 최대 140자까지 일상이나 생각 등의 단문을 작성할 수 있고 팔로우 시스템을 통해 이용자끼리 포스팅 내용을 확인할 수 있는 특징이 있다. 로그인하여 알림을 확인하고, 사람들과 대화를 나누고, 내가 팔로우하는 사람들의 트위터 활동을 살펴보세요. Com › 트위터하는법트위터 하는 법 이미지 포함 wikihow.

tweet video tool 사진 포함 최대 140자까지 일상이나 생각 등의 단문을 작성할 수 있고 팔로우 시스템을 통해 이용자끼리 포스팅 내용을 확인할 수 있는 특징이 있다. Giulio, confirmed for tomorrow. 떠오르는 마케터, 트위터에 주목하라 dbr. 트위터 트위터 많이는 들어 보셨는데 도대체 트위터가 무엇인지 알고 시작 하셔야겠죠. 검색창에 트위터 혹은 twitter를 입력 후 트위터에 접속해주세요 2. wintermilk telegram

twitter ㅅㅌ 배우 송재림사진한경db 고인이 된 배우 송재림이 생전에 일본인 사생팬에게 괴롭힘을 당했다는 사실이 드러났다. Arforest @arforest_main. 계정 생성은 구글 계정, 가지고 계신 애플 계정으로 가입하실 수 있고 별도로 이메일이나 휴대폰 번호로 계정 생성이 가능합니다. 트위터에 올리고 싶은 자신만의 생각이나 유용한 정보를 적으신 후 하단에 트윗하기 버튼을 누르시면 됩니다. 떠오르는 마케터, 트위터에 주목하라 dbr. vk챈

twitter topswimmer_2025 트위터의 소통 구조는 우리 일상의 의사소통 구조 즉, 상호교섭적 활동과 닮아 있으며, 트위터의 관계맺기의 일방향성, 간편성, 확장성과 같은 특성으로 인해 트위터의. 이 글에서는 트위터 앱을 설치하고 효과적으로 사용하는 방법에 대해 알려드립니다. Com › frostylight › 222009151374네이버 블로그. 아오, 양당제 이제 좀 그만해야 하지 않겠어요. Days ago gif 등 트위터에 올려진 움짤 들은 다운로드하기 어려우므로 ezgif 같은 사이트를 이용해야 한다. twitter douga

twstalker solo 목차 📌 바쁘신 분들은 아래 링크를 통해 중요한 정보를 바로 확인해. 배우 송재림사진한경db 고인이 된 배우 송재림이 생전에 일본인 사생팬에게 괴롭힘을 당했다는 사실이 드러났다. Hours ago 국내축구 잡담 인기글 목록 2026. Com › 9438158711와 그럼 트위터에 올라온 루머가 진짜였던거네 국내축구 에펨코리. 이 가이드에서는 트위터에 트윗을 게시하는 방법을 설명합니다 모바일 앱.

ursecretgf redgifs 트위터twitter는 현재 미국에서 폭발적 인기를 모으고 있는 소셜 네트워크 서비스sns로, 마이크로블로깅microblogging짧은 메시지를 주고받는 블로그 웹사이트. 검색창에 트위터 혹은 twitter를 입력 후 트위터에 접속해주세요 2. For honor 트위터에 새로운 비디오가 올라왔는데, 내가 모르는 미니언 변종들이 있더라. 계정이 없으신 경우 아래 가입하기 버튼을 클릭해주세요 3. 검색창에 트위터 혹은 twitter를 입력 후 트위터에 접속해주세요 2.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.