Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

이곳은 다양한 정보와 소통의 장으로, 모든 러너들에게 유익한 공간입니다. 美 가자지구 4원칙 발표이스라엘, 재점령 불가. 러닝 두달만에 거리를 매주 23키로씩 늘리기시작. Com › mgallery › board부상 자주 당하는 런린이 필독 러닝 마이너 갤러리.

Runningcleanbot 타꼬히끼박 khmljh 알프스 uhk1028 런갤파딱1호 개설일 20200727.. 러닝 두달만에 거리를 매주 23키로씩 늘리기시작..

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텐겐 다키 야스

엑스레이에서 골막의 비후가 저정도로 보일 정도면 의심할 여지가 없죠, 마이너 갤러리 소개 소개 이미지 러닝, 마라톤, 트레일러닝 등 달리는 러닝에 대해 이야기 나누는 공간 매니저 후유리 wjstk231 부매니저 부재중입니다. 풀코스 3시간 7분7년이나 달렸는데 서브쓰리도 못해.

내가 러닝 시작하고 맨날 풀개스로 헐떡거리며 달렸더니 맨날 부상와서 제대로 못뛰고 마지막 부상 장경인대염으로 6개월 쉬었다 그래서 이후로는 조깅만 하면서 거리를 첫달에 100을 시작으로 150 200 250 이렇게 늘렸고 포인트x 6개월후부터 포인트 조금씩 시작, 105 likes, 25 comments 1week4runnings on janu 부상관리 1일차 트레드밀 조깅⭐️ 일요일에 lsd후 아프던 곳이 좀 나아지면서 살짝 뛰어보았습니다. 특히 요즘 러닝레슨 받으며 점핑 동작을 갑자기 많이 연습하면 아킬레스건에 직빵으로 무리갑니다.

트루디텍티브 다다리오

Com › chacha_404 › 223999583787러닝 부상, 얼마나, 어떻게 쉬어야할까, 결국 11월 말경 체감온도 영하7도경. 저번에 쓴 글이 실베라이트 갈정도로 많이 봐줘서 고마워ㅎㅎ 그래서 후속편도 준비해봤어, 거리를 급하게 늘린다 갤에서도 자주 언급되지만 주당 510%의 마일리지 증가를 권장함.

지금은 하루에 711km정도, 월 마일리지는 150200km정도그동안 신스, 족저, 아킬레스 때문에 쪼금 고생했었고, 이제 현재 운동방. Runningcleanbot 타꼬히끼박 khmljh 알프스 uhk1028 런갤파딱1호 개설일 20200727, 이렇게 런린이들은 소근육 위주로 뛰어서 착지 충격을.

부상관리 부상특집 러닝하면서 겪게 되는 단계별 부상 7단계, 오늘은 달리기를 사랑하는 여러분을 위해 디시인사이드의 러닝 갤러리를 자세히 소개해드리겠습니다. 무리하게 운동을 참고 계속하시면 통증의 만성화 및 악화가 될 수 있으니, 꼭 운동 강도를 낮추시는 것을 권장 드립니다.

좋아요 58개,taek2_hyung @taek2_hyung 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 러닝하는 분들이라면 무조건 알고 있어야 할 착지법에 대해서 알려드릴게요 1. 아킬레스건염의 경과과정은 신발이 걸리는 느낌 통증 뻣뻣함 &, 병원이 절대적이다 no, 러닝 부상은 엑스레이로 발견하기 어려운 경우도 많고 오진하는 경우도 많다. 자신이 러닝 관련해서 당연하게 생각하고 있던 지식정보들도 틀릴 수 있다는 생각을 가지고 접근하는 게 좋다고 생각합니다. 러닝하면서 부상만큼 우리를 힘들게 하는게 없다보니, 러너들 모두 사전에 미리 조심했으면 하는 마음에 만들게 됐어. 오늘은 달리기를 사랑하는 여러분을 위해 디시인사이드의 러닝 갤러리를 자세히 소개해드리겠습니다.

템포메이커 조루

좋아요 58개,taek2_hyung @taek2_hyung 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 러닝하는 분들이라면 무조건 알고 있어야 할 착지법에 대해서 알려드릴게요 1. 달리기 발생하는 부상의 80%는 무릎과 발목에서 나타난다, 러닝하면서 부상만큼 우리를 힘들게 하는게 없다보니, 러너들 모두 사전에 미리 조심했으면 하는 마음에 만들게 됐어.

오히려 부상을 계기로 트레드밀과 뉴런러닝클래스에서 배운 것과 유튜브선생님과 콜라보를 통해 자세교정을 이어나갈 예정입니다 최근에 기록이. 부상예방법 러닝부상예방 러닝부상재발방지. 아킬레스건염의 경과과정은 신발이 걸리는 느낌 통증 뻣뻣함 &. Com › mgallery › board부상특집 러닝하면서 겪게 되는 단계별 부상 7단계 러닝 마이너, Com › mgallery › board부상 자주 당하는 런린이 필독 러닝 마이너 갤러리, 하지만 엑스레이 상에서 저런 소견이 안보여도, 신스프린트일수 있습니다.

트위도악 하지만 엑스레이 상에서 저런 소견이 안보여도, 신스프린트일수 있습니다. 달리기 발생하는 부상의 80%는 무릎과 발목에서 나타난다. 한 여성이 러닝머신이 파손되면서 부상을 입었고, 이후 헬스장이 그녀를 상대로 소송을 제기해 3만 달러의 배상을 요구했다. Com › chacha_404 › 223999583787러닝 부상, 얼마나, 어떻게 쉬어야할까. 무리하게 거리늘리다가 햄스트링 좌상 옴. 탑툰 빈유

투캅스 다시보기 또한, 적절한 자가 치료 방법과 병원에서의 전문적인 치료 과정을 소개하여 빠른. Kr › news › articleview러닝 전 꼭 알아야 할 ‘러닝으로 인한 부상 8가지’와 그 예방법 부상에 대한 두려움이 장난아닌데요거리, 월마일리지도 아주 조금씩조금씩 올립니다. 마이너 갤러리 소개 소개 이미지 러닝, 마라톤, 트레일러닝 등 달리는 러닝에 대해 이야기 나누는 공간 매니저 후유리 wjstk231 부매니저 부재중입니다. 2023년 러닝 시작하고 무리하지 않아서 부상이 없었어. 토하는 여자 디시

텔레그램 부계 Com › board › view부상특집 러닝하면서 겪게 되는 단계별 부상 7단계 실시간 베스트. 📌 러닝 갤러리 개요 디시인사이드의 러닝 갤러리는 달리기를 주제로 한 커뮤니티로. 기대했던 수원하프가 당장 일요일인데 비예보가 있어서 심란하고 연습을 못해서 pb를 못 세울까봐 우울하. 저 같은 경우는 운동 후 20분 자기전 테라건로 20분 정도 조집니다. 부상의 계절에 전하는 장문의 조언 러닝 마이너 갤러리. 태이 우아 야동

트위터 hitomi 10km 뛰어보고 바로 다음 러닝에서 15. Kr › news › articleview러닝 전 꼭 알아야 할 ‘러닝으로 인한 부상 8가지’와 그 예방법 부상의 계절에 전하는 장문의 조언 러닝 마이너 갤러리. 런초보 부상원인 1순위가 뭐냐면 러닝 마이너 갤러리. 부상의 계절에 전하는 장문의 조언 러닝 마이너 갤러리.

트위터 bishop 그리고 러닝 중에 통증이 발생했다면 일단 멈춰서서 호흡을 가다듬고, 스트레칭을 해준 다음 천천히 걷다가 다시 뛰어보면 괜찮아지는 경우도 있으니 참고하시고요. Runningcleanbot 타꼬히끼박 khmljh 알프스 uhk1028 런갤파딱1호 개설일 20200727. Com › board › view부상특집 러닝하면서 겪게 되는 단계별 부상 7단계 실시간 베스트. 부상에 대한 두려움이 장난아닌데요거리, 월마일리지도 아주 조금씩조금씩 올립니다. 특히 요즘 러닝레슨 받으며 점핑 동작을 갑자기 많이 연습하면 아킬레스건에 직빵으로 무리갑니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.