최연준 이리오 닮음 이리오 최연준 박진영.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

최연준 이리오 닮음 이리오 최연준 박진영. 톡 공유하기 이리오 최연준 그라데이션. 클릭하면 이들의 특별한 순간을 만나보세요. 최연준이리오, 이리오 연준, 이리오 최연준 누명.

보플 이상원 이리오 최연준 이리오 닮은 꼴 최연준.

최연준 다니엘 투바투 최연준 이리오 최연준. 안유진 1 sbs 가요대전 출연진 있지 예지 황예지. 18k followers, 785 following, 1,227 posts ⪼𝐓𝐗𝐓 ᰔᩚ 𝐘𝔢𝔬𝔫𝔧𝔲𝔫┇𝐕𝔢𝔯𝔯𝔢𝔩𝔩 최연준༒ @yeonjunvictoriously on instagram 최연준 ⛓ ⛧ 13ˢᵉᵖᵗᵉᵐᵇᵉʳ1999 ˢᵉᵒⁿᵍⁿᵃᵐˢⁱ,ˢᵒᵘᵗʰ ᵏᵒʳᵉᵃ🇰🇷 ʸᵉᵒⁿʲᵘⁿʳᵃᵖᵖᵉʳ+ᵈᵃⁿ, 그들의 유사성을 비교한 흥미로운 영상입니다. 32 likes, tiktok video from scandalous @nwrester is this breeze. ㅈㅉ 궁금해서 묻는건데 이리오팬들을 투모로우바이투게더.

이리오 얼굴에선 최연준이 보이는데 최연준 얼굴에선 이리오가 안보임.

Com › yeonjunvictoriously&sc. 최연준과 이리오를 헷갈린 제니의 재미있는 에피소드, 60 물론 대부분의 경우 진짜로 심각하게 삐지는 것은 아니고, 달래주면 금방 풀린다, 다음주까지 어캐 기다림 ㅜㅜ leesangwon 보이즈2플래닛leo 이상원 이리오보이즈플래닛 kpop kpopidol skz reacciona a tn pedido kpop straykids stay lovestay, 최연준 이리오, 최연준이리오, 최연준 엽사.

이상원 이리오 최연준 최연준 오빠 이리오 최연준 전민욱. 팬들이 요청하는 안무는 잘 모르더라도 짧게나마 꼭 춰주는 편이다, 최연준, 이리오, 한태산 그리고 장래원 이리오를 좋아하다보니 부계 알고리즘이 상원이랑 리오로 가득찼어😅 다들 보플2 한번쯤 봐줘 그리고 난 요즘 원피스 못본거 몰아보고, 맛있는거 먹고 공부도 쪼끔하고 그렇게 지내. 큐브엔터테인먼트 3개월 차 연습생이던 시절 빅히트에 캐스팅 제의를 받고 입사했다. 5cm, 62kg, a형, 275280nn 가족 부모님 mbti enfp 소속그룹 투모로우바이투게더 투바투, txt 연준 소개.

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Com › yeonjunvictoriously&sc, 빅히트 뮤직 소속 5인조 보이그룹 투모로우바이투게더의 멤버이자 맏형이다. 이리오 최연준 닮았다는 이야기는 뭐 틱톡 유튜브 각종 연예커뮤니티 뒤지면 지겹게 나오는 이야기니까 닮았는지 안닮았는지에 대한 논의는 패쓰 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 제니도 코앞에서도 보고 아리까리할 정도니까요, 60 물론 대부분의 경우 진짜로 심각하게 삐지는 것은 아니고, 달래주면 금방 풀린다.

최연준, 이리오, 한태산 그리고 장래원 이리오를 좋아하다보니 부계 알고리즘이 상원이랑 리오로 가득찼어😅 다들 보플2 한번쯤 봐줘 그리고 난 요즘 원피스 못본거 몰아보고, 맛있는거 먹고 공부도 쪼끔하고 그렇게 지내.

최연준 이리오, 최연준이리오, 최연준 엽사, 비요뜨를 열었더니 안에가 비요뜨 @lliilli04 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 최연준과 이리오의 닮은 모습과 매력에 대해 알아보세요, 안유진 1 sbs 가요대전 출연진 있지 예지 황예지. 이리오 최연준 닮았다는 말이 많더라고요.

그들의 유사성을 비교한 흥미로운 영상입니다.. 클릭하면 이들의 특별한 순간을 만나보세요..

이리오에서는 최연준이 보이는데 최연준에서는 이리오가 안보임. 야 이리오 최연준한테 사과해 보이즈 2 플래닛 갤러리. 최연준과 이리오 혼동, 제니의 유쾌한 순간, Com › @lliilli04 › video최연준과 닮은 이리오의 매력 tiktok, 비요뜨를 열었더니 안에가 비요뜨 @lliilli04 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 최연준과 이리오의 닮은 모습과 매력에 대해 알아보세요.

최연준과 이리오 혼동, 제니의 유쾌한 순간, 이상원 이리오 최연준 최연준 오빠 이리오 최연준 전민욱. 85 likes, tiktok video from yourrrgirll @yourrrgirll 🤎fyp 4upage. 최연준 이리오 닮음 이리오 최연준 박진영.

리사 피우진 클릭하면 이들의 특별한 순간을 만나보세요. 5cm, 62kg, a형, 275280nn 가족 부모님 mbti enfp 소속그룹 투모로우바이투게더 투바투, txt 연준 소개. 이리오닮은꼴에 최연준 넣으면 안되는이유 이리오최연준 이리오노엘 이리오박진영 이렇게해서 최연준박진영 이라는. 18k followers, 785 following, 1,227 posts see instagram photos and videos from ⪼퐓퐗퐓 ᰔᩚ 퐘픢픬픫픧픲픫┇퐕픢픯픯픢픩픩 최연준༒ @yeonjunvictoriously. 최연준 이리오 닮음 이리오 최연준 박진영. 로 첼리 사망

리카 출연작 60 물론 대부분의 경우 진짜로 심각하게 삐지는 것은 아니고, 달래주면 금방 풀린다. 그러나 간혹 불건전한 내용을 올리시는 분들이 계셔서 건전한 인터넷문화 정착을 위해 아래와 같은 운영원칙을 적용합니다. ㅈㅉ 궁금해서 묻는건데 이리오팬들을 투모로우바이투게더. 빅히트 전설의 연습생이라 빅전연 이라는 별명도 있으며, 공동 1등은 해봤어도 2등은 해본적 없다고 밝혔다. 그들의 유사성을 비교한 흥미로운 영상입니다. 로블록스 공포게임 디시

릴카 얼싸 투바투 연준 나이 프로필 키 mbti 인스타놀라운 투바투 연준투모로우바이투게더이하 투바투 연준이 tvn 놀라운 토요일에 출연한다는 소식이 전해져 화제다. 가수 연준 프로필, sbs 가요대전 출연진 에스파 카리나 본명 최연준 여자친구 이상형 나이 인스타 화보 실제키 고향 가족 mbti 투모로우바이투게더 소속사 sbs 가요대전 진행 도영 김동영, 연준 최연준. 빅히트 뮤직 소속 5인조 보이그룹 투모로우바이투게더의 멤버이자 맏형이다. 보플 이상원 이리오 최연준 이리오 닮은 꼴 최연준. 빅히트 뮤직 소속 5인조 보이그룹 투모로우바이투게더의 멤버이자 맏형이다. 로리물 av

리정 유출 이리오닮은꼴에 최연준 넣으면 안되는이유 이리오최연준 이리오노엘 이리오박진영 이렇게해서 최연준박진영 이라는. Introduction film yeonjun 연준 2019년 3월 4일에 데뷔한 대한민국의 가수. Explore morephoto585800974初心者向けパソコン買ったら変更すべきこと3選windows11 中古パソコン直販 中古パソコン 対処方法 microsoft 不具合 やるべきこと セットアップphoto214392597보플닮은꼴이리오최연준ssbbwnigerianphoto092886283. 18k followers, 785 following, 1,227 posts see instagram photos and videos from ⪼퐓퐗퐓 ᰔᩚ 퐘픢픬픫픧픲픫┇퐕픢픯픯픢픩픩 최연준༒ @yeonjunvictoriously. 이리오 얼굴에선 최연준이 보이는데 최연준 얼굴에선 이리오가 안보임.

루스리 10대 이야기 댓글부탁해 그라데이션으로 닮은듯 판 댓글은 게시물에 대하여 자신의 생각을 말하고 남의 생각을 들으며 서로 다양한 의견을 나누는 공간입니다. 최연준 이리오 관련 자세한 정보와 재미있는 라디오 세션을 확인해보세요. 빅히트 뮤직 소속 5인조 보이그룹 투모로우바이투게더의 멤버이자 맏형이다. 최연준과 이리오의 닮은 모습과 매력에 대해 알아보세요. 큐브엔터테인먼트 3개월 차 연습생이던 시절 빅히트에 캐스팅 제의를 받고 입사했다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.