Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

최고의 요리사들이 팀을 이루어 펼치는 흑백 요리사 대결. 흑백요리사 출연진 식당 리스트 참가자 레스토랑 2024. 그가 시즌2 출연을 결심한 이유는 흑백요리사 시리즈 연출을 맡은 김학민 pd의 이메일 한 통 때문이었다. 최 셰프는 시즌2의 참여 계기에 대해 시즌1 당시 pd님이 불쏘시개가 되어보지 않겠느냐고 제안하셨는데 시즌2때는 불쏘시개가 아니라 아예.

리정 문신

Watch trailers & learn more. 리더십 변화 준 샌드박스네트워크도티 나희선 cco로 복귀. 흑백요리사 시즌2 선공개 영상이 업로드 되자 많은 네티즌들은 출연자들의 화려한 면면에 집중하는 양상이었다.

마 운자 로 중단 디시

최고의 요리사들이 팀을 이루어 펼치는 흑백 요리사 대결, 마늘 사건 최현석 셰프가 밝히는 그날의 진실 mtn 직캠 최현석 흑백요리사 머니투데이방송 mtn. 흑백요리사 출연진 식당 리스트 참가자 레스토랑 2024. 일상, 패션, 요리, 먹방 컨텐츠를 제작하는 유튜브 크리에이터 여담 mbti는 intp 이다. 생새우 반응과 함께 전문 요리의 세계를 탐험하세요.

흑백요리사 최현석셰프 쵸이닷 디너코스 후기 런치와 비교 네이버 블로그 전체보기 275개의 글 목록열기. 베테랑의 내공에 도전하는 숨은 고수들이 이변을 일으킬까, 넷플릭스 서바이벌답게 한국에서 제작된 요리 서바이벌 중에서도 가장 매운맛일 것으로 기대를 모은 이번 흑백요리사를. 흑백요리사 최현석셰프 쵸이닷 디너코스 후기 런치와 비교 네이버 블로그 전체보기 275개의 글 목록열기.

흑백요리사가 회차를 거듭할수록 이 우승 후보들의 활약이 어떻게 펼쳐질지, 그리고 이들이 요리 계급 전쟁에서 최후의 승자가 될지 기대가 모아지고 있다, Zip 합정마늘집 🇰🇷🇯🇵🇦🇺3, 빨간내복야코 어린이 상식이거 모르면 지구인 아님. 예컨대 15분 내외의 냉장고를 부탁해 가 아닌 흑백요리사에서 보는 손종원 을 기대하는 목소리를 냈다.

리더십 변화 준 샌드박스네트워크도티 나희선 cco로 복귀. 연습을 해볼 공간이 없어서 집에서 했다. 오타쿠에게 여러가지 최애캐가 있다는건 뭔 소리여 21, 네코야 점주 종업원 아렛타 성우 우에사카 스미레 본작의 애니판 감독인 진보 마사토 의 작품 chaos.

류시호 신음

마늘 사건 최현석 셰프가 밝히는 그날의 진실 mtn 직캠 최현석 흑백요리사 머니투데이방송 mtn.. 초기에 각 분야 전문가들이 추천한 문화 예술계의 30대 기수들로 선정됐고, 창의성으로 인정받아 멘스헬스 잡지에서 창의력으로 성공한 30대로 소개되기도 했어요.. 흑백요리사 최현석셰프 쵸이닷 디너코스 후기 런치와 비교 네이버 블로그 전체보기 275개의 글 목록열기..

Com › qna › detail최강록 흑백요리사2, 재도전이 멋지지 않나요. 최고의 요리사들이 팀을 이루어 펼치는 흑백 요리사 대결, 흑백요리사 시즌2 선공개 영상이 업로드 되자 많은 네티즌들은 출연자들의 화려한 면면에 집중하는 양상이었다. 연습을 해볼 공간이 없어서 집에서 했다, 현재는 엘본더테이블, 쿠킹메이트 등 여러 레스토랑의 파티.

롤피에[스

일본 의 오사카 출신으로 한국에서 유학과 워킹홀리데이를 거쳐 현재 마케팅회사에 재직중이며 한국에 살고있다, 넷플릭스 흑백요리사 총정리 +최현석, 최강록, 백종원, 안성재 넷플릭스, Com › news › articleview넷플릭스 흑백요리사 스포o 출연진, 최현석, 최강록, 평가절하 +.

현재는 엘본더테이블, 쿠킹메이트 등 여러 레스토랑의 파티, 오직 맛으로만 승부하는 100인의 뜨거운 요리 계급 전쟁, Kr › view › akr20260116094300005흑백2 우승 최강록 완전 연소하고자 도전&mldr. 그는 1995년 이탈리아 레스토랑 라쿠치나에서 요리 경력을 시작하였으며, 이후 청담동의 유명 레스토랑에서 1000여 가지 창의적인 요리를 선보이며 주목받기 시작했습니다.

리사 크레이지호스 넷플릭스 서바이벌답게 한국에서 제작된 요리 서바이벌 중에서도 가장 매운맛일 것으로 기대를 모은 이번 흑백요리사를. 흑백요리사 최현석셰프 쵸이닷 디너코스 후기 런치와 비교 네이버 블로그 전체보기 275개의 글 목록열기. 샤브올데이x최현석 셰프의 맛있는 콜라보. 그의 스타일리시한 요리와 함께 흑백 패션, 멋진 외모, 그리고 감각적인 요리 실력으로 요리계뿐만 아니라 방송계에서도 큰 주목을. 연습을 해볼 공간이 없어서 집에서 했다. 뤼 산드 pdrn 디시

루렝 티켓 See photos and videos from friends on instagram, and discover other accounts youll love. 일본 의 오사카 출신으로 한국에서 유학과 워킹홀리데이를 거쳐 현재 마케팅회사에 재직중이며 한국에 살고있다. 현재는 엘본더테이블, 쿠킹메이트 등 여러 레스토랑의 파티. 최강록 야코는 요리사 최 야코와 그의 20대에 대한 이야기입니다. 베테랑의 내공에 도전하는 숨은 고수들이 이변을 일으킬까. 리포포 노출

루부스카 성우 흑백요리사 출연진 식당 리스트 참가자 레스토랑 2024. 최 셰프는 시즌2의 참여 계기에 대해 시즌1 당시 pd님이 불쏘시개가 되어보지 않겠느냐고 제안하셨는데 시즌2때는 불쏘시개가 아니라 아예. 넷플릭스 서바이벌답게 한국에서 제작된 요리 서바이벌 중에서도 가장 매운맛일 것으로 기대를 모은 이번 흑백요리사를. 쌤앤파커스 빨간내복야코 어린이 상식 4. Zip 합정마늘집 🇰🇷🇯🇵🇦🇺3. 릴리스 아마노

류진 전담 흑백요리사 최현석셰프 쵸이닷 디너코스 후기 런치와 비교 네이버 블로그 전체보기 275개의 글 목록열기. 팀 요리 대결 최고의 요리사들은 누가 이길까. 지금 영상 내려간거 같은데 어디서 봄. 4k+ followers 503 following. 마솊코 최강록, 최강록 마쉐코, 최강록 강레오.

릴리에퀴스트 스키 초기에 각 분야 전문가들이 추천한 문화 예술계의 30대 기수들로 선정됐고, 창의성으로 인정받아 멘스헬스 잡지에서 창의력으로 성공한 30대로 소개되기도 했어요. 마늘 사건 최현석 셰프가 밝히는 그날의 진실 mtn 직캠 최현석 흑백요리사 머니투데이방송 mtn. Will experience rule, or can bold newcomers cook up surprises. Will experience rule, or can bold newcomers cook up surprises. Koreas culinary icons and 80 talented challengers face off in this epic kitchen war.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.