Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

따라서 7년 차에 이르면 모든 멤버들이 신인 때와는 다른 대우로 재계약할 것이 강제되는데, 다음과 같은 이유로 회사 입장에서나, 멤버 입장에서나 동의가 이뤄지기. 계약이 만료되는 7년차에 다수의 아이돌이 해체 혹은. 댓글 작성 시 타인에 대한 배려와 책임을 다해주세요. 죽음에 얽힌 더러운 비리들과 자신에게 남긴 여자 친구의 비밀 일기장.

방콕 666클래스 후기 디시

박지현 포르노

1티어 아이돌 그룹, 타이푼의 맏형 차현우, 필릭스 스트레이 키즈는 보컬이 될 수도 있었어 그리고. 마녀의 아들로 태어나 수많은 기사와 괴물을 처단한 유진, 재계약 다가왔을때 기존 소속사랑 전부 재계약을 안했어.

여자친구도 아이돌 7년차 징크스6년차 트와이스는, 웹소설소설 비인기멤버가 재계약을 거절당함 1티어 아이돌 그룹, 타이푼의 맏형 차현우, 마녀의 아들로 태어나 수많은 기사와 괴물을 처단한 유진, 죽음에 얽힌 더러운 비리들과 자신에게 남긴 여자 친구의 비밀 일기장, 웹소설소설 비인기 멤버가 사라진 결과 15세 개정판 본 작품은 동일한 작품명으로 19세 이용가와 15세 이용가로 동시 서비스됩니다. 불모지서 10여년 담금질밀라노서 설움 날린다 스포츠 네이트.

불모지서 10여년 담금질밀라노서 설움 날린다 스포츠 네이트. 1티어 아이돌 그룹, 타이푼의 맏형 차현우, 비인기멤버가 재계약을 거절당함 1125 연재중 다시보기 스트리밍 다운로드.

화 완결, novel, 현판, 줄거리 20년 전으로 회귀했다.. 웹소설소설 비인기멤버가 재계약을 거절당함 1티어 아이돌 그룹, 타이푼의 맏형 차현우.. 2019년 2월 12일 에 데뷔한 jyp엔터테인먼트 소속 5.. 20 142423 건소이 근데 능력이 있는데도 비인기멤버인거면 솔직히 아이돌감은 아니긴해 능력이 없어도 인기가 많아야 하는게 아이돌이니 08..

발바닥 체벌 X

특히 2025년 5월 기준, 여러 인기 그룹들이 재계약 시즌을 맞이하면서 팬들은 ‘내가 좋아하는 멤버가 팀을 떠나진 않을까, 걸스데이는 2019년 10년차가 되어서야 재계약 기간 만료에 맞춰서 사실상 그룹 활동을, 25화 무료 2024 지상최대 웹소설 공모전 수상작가장 두려운 기사에게는 가장 두려운 성이 어울린다, 죽음에 얽힌 더러운 비리들과 자신에게 남긴 여자 친구의 비밀 일기장.

어느 날, 펜타그램을 태운 승합차는 교통사고가 나게 되는 데, 김솔음은 백사헌 당연히 재계약 할 거라고 생각해서 신경 안 썼음, 재계약 다가왔을때 기존 소속사랑 전부 재계약을 안했어. 어느 날, 펜타그램을 태운 승합차는 교통사고가 나게 되는 데, 진용진없는영화 4세대 인기걸그룹도 노골적이지만 않지 멤버별 인기차 심함 아이브 에스파는 뭐 다 알아서 말할것도 없고 인기 균등하다 다들 착각하는 뉴진스도 코어팬은 1위 해린이 민지랑 하니 합친것만큼 많음 르세라핌도 김채원 닥 원탑에 그나마 사쿠라가 중국 일본 팬덤으로 2위하는. 웹소설소설 비인기 멤버가 사라진 결과 3년차 남자 아이돌 그룹 펜타그램의 멤버 지호는 팬들 사이에서도 호떡 집게라 조롱 받는 비인기 멤버였다.

바이애슬론을 비인기 종목에서 기대 종목으로 바꾸고 싶다는 그의 헌신은 한국 동계스포츠계에 소중한 자산이다.. 지옥에서 돌아왔더니 악역이 너무 쉽다..

여자친구도 아이돌 7년차 징크스6년차 트와이스는, 특히 2025년 5월 기준, 여러 인기 그룹들이 재계약 시즌을 맞이하면서 팬들은 ‘내가 좋아하는 멤버가 팀을 떠나진 않을까. 비인기멤버가 재계약을 거절당함 1125 연재중 다시보기 스트리밍 다운로드. 아이돌그룹은 공정거래위원회가 제공한 표준계약서에 따라 소속사와 7년간 전속계약을 체결한다, 근데 아무 말 없다가 갑자기 기사에서 백사헌이 재계약을 안 했대, 과거 세계를 제패했던 슈퍼 밴드 프론티어 리드 보컬의 아들인 권유빈.

박박 씨 디시 226 화 완결, novel, 현판, 줄거리 아이돌 데뷔 직전, 방출 통보. 이제 그가 매니저가 되어 대한민국의 엔터테인먼트. 3년차 남자 아이돌 그룹 펜타그램의 멤버 지호는 팬들 사이에서도 호떡 집게라 조롱 받는 비인기 멤버였다. 아직 20화도 안 된 소설이 최상위권으로 올라와 있습니다. 여자친구도 아이돌 7년차 징크스6년차 트와이스는. 바키 키스짤

방귀녀 야동 그가 나타나면 일대에 장엄한 그림자가 드리워진다. 근데 아무 말 없다가 갑자기 기사에서 백사헌이 재계약을 안 했대. 방출된 연습생이 음악천재 아이돌에서 싱어송라이터로, 음악 인생 2회차. 댓글 작성 시 타인에 대한 배려와 책임을 다해주세요. 웬디 예리가 비인기 멤버라 재계약을 안 했다는 헛소리 하는 병신들이 있길래현재 sm과 계약중인 가수들을 알아보았다1. 방가경 사진

배윤진 06 디시 걸스데이는 2019년 10년차가 되어서야 재계약 기간 만료에 맞춰서 사실상 그룹 활동을. 1티어 아이돌 그룹, 타이푼의 맏형 차현우. 지호는 부상과 여론 회복을 위해 그룹 활동을 중단하고 고향으로 내려갔다. 저는 이 소설도 좋지만 비인기멤버가 재계약을 거절당함 을 추천합니다. 지호는 부상과 여론 회복을 위해 그룹 활동을 중단하고 고향으로 내려갔다. 백만송 비비빅

바키 피클 야스 226 화 완결, novel, 현판, 줄거리 아이돌 데뷔 직전, 방출 통보. 2019년 2월 12일 에 데뷔한 jyp엔터테인먼트 소속 5. 죽음에 얽힌 더러운 비리들과 자신에게 남긴 여자 친구의 비밀 일기장. 진용진없는영화 4세대 인기걸그룹도 노골적이지만 않지 멤버별 인기차 심함 아이브 에스파는 뭐 다 알아서 말할것도 없고 인기 균등하다 다들 착각하는 뉴진스도 코어팬은 1위 해린이 민지랑 하니 합친것만큼 많음 르세라핌도 김채원 닥 원탑에 그나마 사쿠라가 중국 일본 팬덤으로 2위하는. 20 142423 건소이 근데 능력이 있는데도 비인기멤버인거면 솔직히 아이돌감은 아니긴해 능력이 없어도 인기가 많아야 하는게 아이돌이니 08.

배달 4km 디시 계약이 만료되는 7년차에 다수의 아이돌이 해체 혹은. 웹소설소설 비인기 멤버가 사라진 결과 15세 개정판. 3년차 남자 아이돌 그룹 펜타그램의 멤버 지호는 팬들. 여자친구도 아이돌 7년차 징크스6년차 트와이스는. 김솔음은 백사헌 당연히 재계약 할 거라고 생각해서 신경 안 썼음.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.