Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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6회에서 한수정의 사직서를 보고 놀란 오윤아와 강석호, 차기봉, 엔써니양이 다같이, 1 웹사이트 접속은 아래 목록에서 원하시는 방송국의 링크를 클릭하시면 되고. 공부로 나오기 때문에 아들만 딸면 평소에 잠에 다 들어오시면 됩니다 나무가 옛날로 들어갈게 있습니다. 희망 없이 무기력한 학생들에게 측은지심이 생긴 그는 장마리와 이사진에게 입시에서 천하대 합격생을 5명 이상 배출하겠다는 학교 회생 프로젝트를 제안한다.

그래서 이번에 좋은 기회를 잡아 합리적으로 티비다시보기를 하고 있습니다. Kbs2 월화 드라마 공부의 신 의 자세한 재방송 및 다시보기, 보러가기 그리고 줄거리, 출연진, 몇부작 등에 대해서 알려드리고자 합니다, 3m views 6 years ago. 대한민국 대표 주식사이트 20년 1위, 초보부터 전업 투자자들까지 와우넷에서 성공 투자 하세요. 고화질 스즈메의 문단속 배경화면을 찾아보세요.

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어리지만 공부에 흥미가 없고 반항심이 가득한 학생들과 의욕이 없는 선생들로 가득찬 병문고등학교에 변호사 강석호가 등장해 특별한 교육을 실행한다. 15 월 생활비에 쪼들리기 시작한 풀잎은 남몰래 일자리를 알아보기 시작하고, 그런 풀잎을 보는 친구들과 강석호의 마음은 착잡하기만 하다. 그것도 고화질로 원하는 최신 드라마, 영화, 예능을 볼 수 있으니.

바이브레이터 썰

변호사 강석호는 꼴통들의 학교로 소문이 난 병문고등학교의 법인 해산 업무를 의뢰받는다, 변호사 강석호는 꼴통들의 학교로 소문이 난 병문고등학교의 법인 해산 업무를 의뢰받는다, 고등학교 열등생들이 천하대 입학 특별반에 들어가 공부하면서 고군분투하는 과정을 그린 드라마. 분란 끝에 중간고사 대비 합숙에 돌입하게 되는 특별반, 명실공히 대한민국 최고의 대학교인 국립 천하대학교에 5명의 아이들을 보내겠다는 선언을 한 강석호는 이에 특별반을 꾸려 학교를 뜯어고치기 시작한다, 명실공히 대한민국 최고의 대학교인 국립 천하대학교에 5명의 아이들을 보내겠다는 선언을 한 강석호는 이에 특별반을 꾸려 학교를 뜯어고치기 시작한다.

박소영 세토칸나 디시 3m views 6 years ago. 희망 없이 무기력한 학생들에게 측은지심이 생긴 그는 장마리와 이사진에게 입시에서 천하대 합격생을 5명 이상 배출하겠다는 학교 회생 프로젝트를 제안한다. 백현과 풀잎의 마음을 알아버린 현정의 상처는 깊어만 간다. 일본 미타 노리후사의 만화 `드래곤 사쿠라`를 원작으로 한 kbs드라마 `공부의 신`인생역전 대박 스토리. 분란 끝에 중간고사 대비 합숙에 돌입하게 되는 특별반. 백만송희 가슴

발바닥 체벌 트위터 김수로, 이찬호가 영화 울학교 이티 이후 2년만에 스승과 제자로 또다시 만나게 된다. 희망 없이 무기력한 학생들에게 측은지심이 생긴 그는 장. 박대기 기자 kbs 보도국 11회 중 kbc 1 기자로. 방법은 크게 1 웹사이트 접속 2 실시간 tv 앱 설치가 있는데. 부담임으로서 해고가 보류된 한수정은 영어 수업 준비에 한창인데, 이때 강석호가 영어강사로 초빙한 양춘삼이 특별반에 나타난다. 바지에 오줌 야동

백요코 야동 청와대, 중국 서해 구조물 이동에 의미 있는 진전환영한다. 변호사 강석호는 꼴통들의 학교로 소문이 난 병문고등학교의 법인 해산 업무를 의뢰받는다. 공부로 나오기 때문에 아들만 딸면 평소에 잠에 다 들어오시면 됩니다 나무가 옛날로 들어갈게 있습니다. 김수로, 이찬호가 영화 울학교 이티 이후 2년만에 스승과 제자로 또다시 만나게 된다. 희망 없이 무기력한 학생들에게 측은지심이 생긴 그는 장마리와 이사진에게 입시에서 천하대 합격생을 5명 이상 배출하겠다는 학교 회생 프로젝트를 제안한다. 반서진 디시

박지혜 하트문신 공부를 못 한다는 이유로 위축된 채, 삶의 목표도 없이 방황하던 열등생들이 변호사 강석호를 만나 공부하는방법을 터득하고 노력끝에 천. 04 월 변호사 강석호는 꼴통들의 학교로 소문이 난 병문고등학교의 법인 해산 업무를 의뢰받는다. 명실공히 대한민국 최고의 대학교인 국립 천하대학교에 5명의 아이들을 보내겠다는 선언을 한 강석호는 이에 특별반을 꾸려 학교를 뜯어고치기 시작한다. 명실공히 대한민국 최고의 대학교인 국립 천하대학교에 5명의 아이들을 보내겠다는 선언을 한 강석호는 이에 특별반을 꾸려 학교를. 미즈노 스즈메와 다이진을 만나는 매력적인 이미지가 가득합니다.

바텀 디시 백현과 풀잎의 마음을 알아버린 현정의 상처는 깊어만 간다. Kr › drama › gongsinkbs. 대한민국 대표 주식사이트 20년 1위, 초보부터 전업 투자자들까지 와우넷에서 성공 투자 하세요. 3 tvn 260124 방송 tvn drama 16k views11 hours ago. 공부를 못 한다는 이유로 위축된 채, 삶의 목표도 없이 방황하던 열등생들이 변호사 강석호를 만나 공부하는방법을 터득하고 노력끝에 천.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.