Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

『아카시로산 탁구장에 노랫소리는 울려 퍼진다 read more. 가네하라 히토미 작가는 해외 문학가로 대표작 《뱀에게 피어싱》, 《애시 베이비》을 비롯한 다양한 작품을 예스24 작가 페이지에서 확인할 수 있습니다. 매일 그녀를 위해 쓰는 산다이바나시 三題噺 주어진 글감 세 가지로 이야기 만들기에서는  때때로 일부러 이상한 이야기를 쓰고 토오코를 당황시키기도 하지만  그녀가 좋아하는 달콤하고 맛있는 간식을 써주는 경우도 많다. Net › wiki › 문학소녀_시리즈문학소녀 시리즈 리브레 위키.

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Sotwe 마사지

외전 문학소녀 견습생 시리즈에서 등장한다. Com › lunapsiesp › 120127756332문학소녀 文学少女 네이버 블로그. 화려한 과거를 숨기고 지금은 평범한 고등학생으로 토오코의 간식을 만들고, 문학소녀 시리즈 2 애장판 이야기를 먹어 버릴 정도로 사랑하는, 자칭 ‘문학소녀’인 문예부 부장 아마노 토오코. 그들이 속해 있는 문예부에 굴러들어온 의뢰. 당초에는 이름이 없고 여고생 a라고 호칭되었다.

문학소녀 시리즈 15 애장판 이제 알았지, 어릴 적부터 이야기를 만드는 걸 좋아해서, 작가를 지향함, 자칭 문학소녀이며, 순수 문학의 책이나 소설의 원고를 문자 그대로 종이마다 먹는 미식가.

오늘의 간식 첫사랑 문학소녀 메무아르 bungaku shoujo memoire／文学少女メモワール，2010 추억편 1화 꿈꾸는 소녀의 전주곡 추억편 2화 하늘 수놓는 천사의 진혼곡 추억편 3화 사랑하는 소녀의 광상곡..  성적은 매우 좋고, 이과계와 수학이 특기다.. 작품편집 원본 편집 문학소녀 시리즈 文学少女シリーズ는 노무라 미즈키 글, 타케오카 미호 그림의 일본의 라이트 노벨 작품과 이를 원작으로 한 코믹스, 애니메이션 등의 미디어 믹스를 가리킨다..

Com › mgallery › board히토미 문학소녀 퐁퐁 엔딩이네 뤼튼 마이너 갤러리. 이 중 외전은 히노사카 나노 를 주인공으로 한 견습생의 첫사랑 편, 그리고 문학소녀 아마노 토오코 에게 휘둘리는 스즈메노미야 카이토 를 주인공으로 한 최종권 반숙작가와. 게다가 코노하까지 그런 히토미와 사귀겠다고 한다. 극장판 문학소녀는 이미 예고된 대로, 원작 5권인 문학소녀와 통곡의 순례자 에피소드에 원작의 초반과 후반부 내용을 더한 이야기 구성을 보여주고 있었는데요, 문학소녀 시리즈 1 애장판 그 시절 우리가 좋아했던 ‘문학소녀’.

Sotwe 대화

어릴 적부터 이야기를 만드는 걸 좋아해서, 작가를 지향함, 매일 그녀를 위해 쓰는 산다이바나시 三題噺 주어진 글감 세 가지로 이야기 만들기에서는  때때로 일부러 이상한 이야기를 쓰고 토오코를 당황시키기도 하지만  그녀가 좋아하는 달콤하고 맛있는 간식을 써주는 경우도 많다. 라노베 문학소녀 시리즈는 본편 8권, 단편집 4권, 외전 4권으로 구성되어 있다. 문학소녀 시리즈 2 애장판 이야기를 먹어 버릴 정도로 사랑하는, 자칭 ‘문학소녀’인 문예부 부장 아마노 토오코. 라노베 문학소녀 시리즈는 본편 8권, 단편집 4권, 외전 4권으로 구성되어 있다.

그들이 속해 있는 문예부에 굴러들어온 의뢰, 이 중 외전은 히노사카 나노를 주인공으로 한 견습생의 첫사랑 편, 그리고 문학소녀 아마노 토오코에게 휘둘리는 스즈메노미야 카이토를 주인공으로 한 최종권 반숙작가와 문학, 기코 ギコ 소녀사전을 만드려는 장본인. 가네하라 히토미 작가는 해외 문학가로 대표작 《뱀에게 피어싱》, 《애시 베이비》을 비롯한 다양한 작품을 예스24 작가 페이지에서 확인할 수 있습니다.

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그리고 대개의 경우 문학소녀가 후반부에 장황설로 모든 것을 밝혀내기 때문에 이 부분을 지루하게 또는 어색하게 느끼는 사람도 많다. 아는 사람만 아는 합창왕국 후쿠시마 출신. 본작은 실제 문학 소설을 소재로 삼고 있으며, 그 소설을 모방하는 듯 이야기가 전개되고 등장 인물의 성격이 소설에 강한 영향을 받기도 한다, 아는 사람만 아는 합창왕국 후쿠시마 출신.

경악하는 나노의 앞에, 히토미가 사람을 죽게 만들었다는 소문이 퍼졌던 3년 전 그녀의 옆에 있던 인물이 나타난다. 그런 그녀와 친해진 우사미는 그녀에 대해 알게 될수록 점점. 경악하는 나노의 앞에, 히토미가 사람을 죽게 만들었다는 소문이 퍼졌던.

기코 ギコ 소녀사전을 만드려는 장본인. 노무라 미즈키 × 타케오카 미호 콤비의 입에서 녹을 정도로 달콤하면서도 조금 쌉싸래한 학원 미스터리. 외전 문학소녀 견습생 시리즈에서 등장한다, 화려한 과거를 숨기고 지금은 평범한 고등학생으로 토오코의 간식을 만들고.

sotwefantasy 화려한 과거를 숨기고 지금은 평범한 고등학생으로 토오코의 간식을 만들고. 문학소녀 시리즈 2 애장판 이야기를 먹어 버릴 정도로 사랑하는, 자칭 ‘문학소녀’인 문예부 부장 아마노 토오코. Net › wiki › 문학소녀_시리즈문학소녀 시리즈 리브레 위키. 자칭 문학소녀이며, 순수 문학의 책이나 소설의 원고를 문자 그대로 종이마다 먹는 미식가. 게다가 코노하까지 그런 히토미와 사귀겠다고 한다. sotwe baby alien

some_s2_ 라이키 문학소녀 시리즈 1 애장판 그 시절 우리가 좋아했던 ‘문학소녀’. Net › wiki › 문학소녀_시리즈문학소녀 시리즈 리브레 위키. 라노베 문학소녀 시리즈는 본편 8권, 단편집 4권, 외전 4권으로 구성되어 있다. 라노베 문학소녀 시리즈는 본편 8권, 단편집 4권, 외전 4권으로 구성되어 있다.  성적은 매우 좋고, 이과계와 수학이 특기다. son 키우기 쿠폰 디시

spankbang.com Com › lunapsiesp › 120127756332문학소녀 文学少女 네이버 블로그. 아는 사람만 아는 합창왕국 후쿠시마 출신. 오늘의 간식 첫사랑 문학소녀 메무아르 bungaku shoujo memoire／文学少女メモワール，2010 추억편 1화 꿈꾸는 소녀의 전주곡 추억편 2화 하늘 수놓는 천사의 진혼곡 추억편 3화 사랑하는 소녀의 광상곡. 자칭 문학소녀이며, 순수 문학의 책이나 소설의 원고를 문자 그대로 종이마다 먹는 미식가.  하지만 이는 연기를 하고 있는 타케다 치아이며 본성은 매사에 냉담하고 무관심하며 얼굴에 감정이 전혀 나타나지 않는다. smalldom

sotwe firstyouno2 그리고 대개의 경우 문학소녀가 후반부에 장황설로 모든 것을 밝혀내기 때문에 이 부분을 지루하게 또는 어색하게 느끼는 사람도 많다. 기코 ギコ 소녀사전을 만드려는 장본인. 문학소녀 시리즈 15 애장판 이제 알았지.  성적은 매우 좋고, 이과계와 수학이 특기다. Com › lunapsiesp › 120127756332문학소녀 文学少女 네이버 블로그.

sotwe 베가스부부 이 행위를 보고 이노우에 코노하는 요괴라고 부르거나 한다 아버지도 책이나 소설을 먹어 어머니가 이야기를 써 주고 있었다. 이 중 외전은 히노사카 나노 를 주인공으로 한 견습생의 첫사랑 편, 그리고 문학소녀 아마노 토오코 에게 휘둘리는 스즈메노미야 카이토 를 주인공으로 한 최종권 반숙작가와. 당초에는 이름이 없고 여고생 a라고 호칭되었다. 화려한 과거를 숨기고 지금은 평범한 고등학생으로 토오코의 간식을 만들고.  성적은 매우 좋고, 이과계와 수학이 특기다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.