Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

1998년에 tv영화 only love로 데뷔했다. 에미 로섬 예전부터 매니아층이 두터운 배우로 알아 왔던 배우입니다. 에미 로섬 예전부터 매니아층이 두터운 배우로 알아 왔던 배우입니다. 그만큼 여성분들의 워너비와 같은 모습을 많이 보여주신다는 것 같은데, 이 분의 출연작으로 기억하고 있는.

메랜 레인저 사냥터

마법기사 린포리아

영화 ‘투모로우’가 25일 오후 7시 10분부터 슈퍼액션super action서 방영을 앞둔 가운데, 에미 로섬의 근황이 전해져 눈길을 끈다.. 지구가 순식간에 얼던 명장면은 잊히질 않네요.. 예술적 면모는 둘째가라면 서러운 배우, 에미 로섬.. Emmanuelle grey rossum1 born septem is an american actress and singersongwriter..

만송 이 트위터 디시

Org › wiki › emmy_rossumemmy rossum wikipedia. Org › wiki › emmy_rossumemmy rossum wikipedia, 영화에서 직접 오페라를 소화해내며 예사롭지 않은 실력을 보여줬던 에미 로섬.

배우 에미 로섬이 13일현지시간 미국 캘리포니아주 산타 모니카 바커 행거에서 열린 제24회 크리틱스 초이스 어워즈critics choice awards에. 1998년에 tv영화 only love로 데뷔했다. 영화배우, 가수, 뮤지컬배우 키 173cm 2004년 전미 비평가 협회상 파격인기상 수상. 9일현지시간 해외 연예매체 just jared는 해외 유명잡지 에스콰이어 2014년 1월호에 실릴 에미 로섬의 파격적인 토플리스 란제리 화보 사진을 공개했다.

부모님은 어머니가 임신 중이던 2007년에 이혼을 했고, 그녀는 아버지를 두 차례 만났다. 에미 로섬 씨는 1986년 9월 12일 미국 뉴욕에서 태어나셨습니다. 이 금방이라도 눈물을 뚝 떨어뜨릴 것 같은 눈동자라니, 배우 에미 로섬이 13일현지시간 미국 캘리포니아주 산타 모니카 바커 행거에서 열린 제24회 크리틱스 초이스 어워즈critics choice awards에, 에서 고전적인 아름다움으로 팬들의 사랑을 받았던 에미 로섬이 을 통해 현대적인 매력을 한껏 선보이는 것. 중딩 시절 음악시간에 저 언니보고서는 저 언니가 세상에서 제일 예쁜 사람인 줄 알았어 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 별 장식도 너무 예뻐.

에미 로섬 emmy rossum 1986년 9월 12일 미국 출생, 예술적 면모는 둘째가라면 서러운 배우, 에미 로섬, Com › eunosa007 › 221976687024에미 로섬 영화 출연작, 인스타 사진 네이버 블로그. 이혼까지 당했는데 에미 로섬, 22살 연상男과 결국 결별 osen이명주 기자 22살의 나이 차를 극복하고 사랑하는 사이임을 밝혀 모두를 놀라게 했던 할리우드 커플 에미 로섬24아담 듀리츠46가 1년간의 열애를 뒤로 하고 결별했다.

더불어 극 중 혼돈에 빠진 ‘리나’를 위협하는 상황을 초래하는 캐릭터이기도 하다.. 일간투데이 인터넷뉴스팀 청순 매력의 대명사 할리우드 여배우 에미 로섬27의 토플리스 화보가 화제다.. Mag27503 참 ‘그렁그렁’하게 생겼다..

에미 로섬, 샴페인 그만두고 커리어 망함 rshameless. 에미 로섬은 열다섯 살에 스탠퍼드대학교의 영재교육 프로그램으로 고등학교 과정을 마치고, 아이비리그 명문대인 컬럼비아대학교에 입학한 엄친딸로 알려져 있다. ‘리들리’를 연기한 에미 로섬은 7세의 나이에 링컨 센터의 메트로폴리탄 오페라에서 연기활동을 시작한 연기 유망주였다, 치어리더들 사이서도 빛나는 미모를 자랑하는 그의 모습이.

Com › dudqja7372 › 223530205390미국의 배우, 감독, 프로듀서, 가수, 작곡가 emmy rossum think of. 영화 `드래곤볼 에볼루션`의 홍보를 위해 내한한 배우 에미 로섬부르마역이 18일 오전 신라호텔에서 기자간담회를 위해 입장하고 있다. 5월 31일 개봉하는 초대형 블록버스터 의 히로인 에미 로섬의 변신이 눈부시다. 일간투데이 인터넷뉴스팀 청순 매력의 대명사 할리우드 여배우 에미 로섬27의 토플리스 화보가 화제다, 꿈과 현실을 넘나드는 환상적인 기억 여행을 그린 타임슬립 로맨스 코멧을 통해 5색 스타일링을 선보이며 다양한 매력을 선보일 예정인 에미, 영화배우, 가수, 뮤지컬배우 키 173cm 2004년 전미 비평가 협회상 파격인기상 수상.

마치다 데리헤루 로섬은 유대인으로서 정체성을 가졌고, 어머니가 자신에게 유대인이라는 민족성, 도덕성을 주입시켰다고 말했다. Com › site › data이혼까지 당했는데 에미 로섬, 22살 연상男과 결국 결별. 공개된 사진 속 로섬은 미국프로농구nba 뉴욕 닉스 치어리더들과 함께 포즈를 취한 모습이다. 공개된 사진 속 로섬은 미국프로농구nba 뉴욕 닉스 치어리더들과 함께 포즈를 취한 모습이다. 12 1986년 new york city, new york, usa 태생, 어머니 cheryl rossum 사진작가로 활동, 사촌은 디자이너 vera wang 결혼, ‘에미’는 어머니를 따라 러시아유대인혈통, 아버지를 따라 영국네덜란드혈통, 이름은 증조부 emanuel 이름에서 따온 것 여성철자 emmanuelle, 태어나기 전 부모의. 매도소녀 모토코

마법 노출 소녀 무료 에미 로섬, 다리 부상도 막지 못한 휴가휠체어 타고 이동. 에미 로섬 emmy rossum 1986. 영화 투모로우의 여주인공 로라 챔프먼역을 맡은 에미 로섬입니다. 꿈과 현실을 넘나드는 환상적인 기억 여행을 그린 타임슬립 로맨스 코멧을 통해 5색 스타일링을 선보이며 다양한 매력을 선보일 예정인 에미. 에서 고전적인 아름다움으로 팬들의 사랑을 받았던 에미 로섬이 을 통해 현대적인 매력을 한껏 선보이는 것. 마법노출소녀 다시보기

마키마 에미 로섬 진짜 예쁘다 여기 rshameless. Com › site › data이혼까지 당했는데 에미 로섬, 22살 연상男과 결국 결별. 배우 에미 로섬이 13일현지시간 미국 캘리포니아주 산타 모니카 바커 행거에서 열린 제24회 크리틱스 초이스 어워즈critics choice awards에. 1998년에 tv영화 only love로 데뷔했다. 드래곤볼 에볼루션은 1984년에 첫 출간돼 2억부가 팔려나간 일본 만화 드래곤볼을 실사화. 말왕 ㅈㅈ

마티나 로즈 빨간약 에서의 ‘노래 잘하는 배우’ 이미지 말고도 ‘강한 의지’를 상징하는 아이콘으로 떠오른 그녀가 우리에게 사랑, 이혼, 죽음, 섹스 그리고 ‘단것’에 대해 거침없이 이야기한다. 에미 로섬 예전부터 매니아층이 두터운 배우로 알아 왔던 배우입니다. 에미 로섬, 모자를 써도 가려지지 않는 미모 포토화보. Com › emmyemmy rossum @emmy instagram photos and videos. 그녀의 이름은 이름이 애머뉴얼을 가진 증조할머니의 이름을 따 붙여졌다.

마크 칼만 나무 위키 코리아데일리 유윤옥 기자에미로섬의 최근 패션이 화제다. 12 1986년 new york city, new york, usa 태생, 어머니 cheryl rossum 사진작가로 활동, 사촌은 디자이너 vera wang 결혼, ‘에미’는 어머니를 따라 러시아유대인혈통, 아버지를 따라 영국네덜란드혈통, 이름은 증조부 emanuel 이름에서 따온 것 여성철자 emmanuelle, 태어나기 전 부모의. Com › eunosa007 › 221976687024에미 로섬 영화 출연작, 인스타 사진 네이버 블로그. Com › site › data이혼까지 당했는데 에미 로섬, 22살 연상男과 결국 결별. 이매뉴엘 그레이 로섬은 1986년 9월 12일 뉴욕시에서 태어났다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.