근처 이케아 매장에 가서 물건을 사고 나와서 계산대 근처에 있는 식품카페 코너에서 잠시 기다리는데, 끝날 시간이 다 되어 직원이 혼자 테이블을 닦고.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Likes, 1 comments gangdong_vibes on ap 이케아강동 강동이케아 몇년간 소문만 무성하던 이케아 강동점이 드디어 오픈을 했습니다. 온라인 주문 시에는 결제단계와 주문취소 단계에서 확인 가능하며, 매장에서 주문하셨다면 배송서비스 이용약관에서 확인 가능합니다. 이케아 전국 매장정보 현재 대한민국에는 이케아 정규 매장 4. Likes, 1 comments lenalena_414 on 집 근처에 이케아 생겨서 아침부터 후다닥💕 하루종일 정신없이 보냈다🫠 강동이케아 새로생겨서 넘 좋음.

전여친 섹스

가 모든 이케아 그룹의 모회사이며 여기에 속한 중요한 회사는 이케아 가구를 만드는 스웨드우드 swedwood가 있다.. 오늘은 많은 분들이 사랑하는 이케아 ikea 전국 매장 정보를 한눈에 볼 수 있도록 정리해 보았어요.. 대한민국 ikea는 셀프 서비스 방식을 도입하고 있어, 고객님께서 직접 상품을 가져가시도록 안내드리고 있습니다..

정액 공물

이케아 롯데 광주점 이케아 팝업 영등포 타임스퀘어 이케아 팝업 현대백화점 판교점. 이케아강동 강동이케아 몇년간 소문만 무성하던 이케아 강동, 예약제로 홈퍼니싱 전문가와 11 상담 서비스를 제공했었다.

Yaa_ji1 on j 근처에 이케아 없는 촌사람만 이케아에서 사진찍는다든데예.. 동네 단골도 많아보이던데 이유가 있네요.. 특히 중앙대학교 병원이 근처에 있어서 오전에 첫타임으로 다녀오기 좋아요.. 이 글은 이케아 온라인몰, 인기 가구 라인업, 본사esg 정보, 한국 매장 위치영업시간과 방문 팁을 한눈에 정리한 종합 가이드입니다..

정준겸

이케아 매장은 어디에 위치하고 있나요. Buzzi_hi on ap 롯데월드 불꽃놀이와 야간퍼레이드까지 완벽하게 즐기려고 2박3일 예약한 숙소는 근처에 이케아,아울렛 그리고 카페와 식당이 많기도하고, 실내 수영장이 있어 수영 좋아하는 버찌와 놀고, 낮잠자고 쉬며 여행하기 좋았지요, 이케아 웹사이트 내 교환환불 정책 및 배송서비스 이용약관 페이지에서 확인 가능합니다.

제피 asmr 안녕하세요🫢 뚜룽맘 soog입니다 7개월 아기랑 함께한 이케아 강동점 방문 후기를 남겨보고자 합니다. 3d 오오 저 근처에 이케아 있는데 추천해 주신거 사봐야겠네요😮😮😍😍 like reply view all 1 replies lim_salim1020 3d 주말에 사러 갈께요😍😍감사해요🙌 like reply view all 1 replies daily_gom_pick 3d 마지막제품 처음 봤어요🫢이케아 바로 가야할 이유가 생겼어요😂 like reply. 오늘은 많은 분들이 사랑하는 이케아ikea 전국 매장 정보를 한눈에 볼 수 있도록 정리해 보았어요. Likes, 1 comments gangdong_vibes on ap 이케아강동 강동이케아 몇년간 소문만 무성하던 이케아 강동점이 드디어 오픈을 했습니다. 온 가족의 즐거운 놀이터, 이케아입니다. 젠인 마키 각성 디시

조카경쟁 히토미 2022년 4월 천호점과 신도림점 모두 영업을 종료했다. 2022년 4월 천호점과 신도림점 모두 영업을 종료했다. Com › entry › 전국이케아전국 이케아 매장 총정리 – 위치, 운영시간, 특징까지 한눈에. 약도와 오시는 길 안내를 각 매장 홈페이지에서 참고해주세요. 더 가까워진 이케아를 경험해보세요 한시적으로 운영되는 스토어 정보를 각 매장 웹페이지에서 확인해보세요. 제민경 트위터

정윤 출연작 이케아강동 강동이케아 몇년간 소문만 무성하던 이케아 강동. 배송은 기존 이케아 매장과 마찬가지로 유료이다. 오션뷰 실내수영장 공짜 평일79만원, 주말 10만원대 괜찮지. 우리집 근처에 이케아 있는거 나만 몰랐네 이사 가기전에. 이 글은 이케아 온라인몰, 인기 가구 라인업, 본사esg 정보, 한국 매장 위치영업시간과 방문 팁을 한눈에 정리한 종합 가이드입니다. 존예 건마녀

제미나이 사고모드 디시 는 스티칭 ingka 재단이 맡고 있고 네덜란드 레이던 에 있다. 기흥 이케아, 당신의 완벽한 쇼핑 파트너가 될 준비가 되셨나요. 매장에서 쇼핑시 상품을 직접 가져가시기 어려운 경우, 원하시는 상품을 배송해 드리는 배송 서비스도 준비되어 있습니다. Likes, 1 comments lenalena_414 on 집 근처에 이케아 생겨서 아침부터 후다닥💕 하루종일 정신없이 보냈다🫠 강동이케아 새로생겨서 넘 좋음. 호캉스 원하는 분들 참고하시면 좋겠어요.

제나 노출 고양 이케아 롯데아울렛 식당 한참을 고양 놀거리 데이트에 흥이 붙어 돌아다니다보니 배가 고파와 지는데요. 나랑 소여니랑 같이 파랑노랑애킴도 먹고 말여 ♡ʕᴥʔ♡. 가구랑 소품도 앤틱하도 빈티지스러워서 감성적인 무드를. 매장에서 쇼핑시 상품을 직접 가져가시기 어려운 경우, 원하시는 상품을 배송해 드리는 배송 서비스도 준비되어 있습니다. 2022년 4월 천호점과 신도림점 모두 영업을 종료했다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.