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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

이는 작가 사쿠라이 노리오가 원래 섹드립 마왕이기 때문. 비공식 수정판 7 내마위 67화 표지 클리어 버전. Com › etcs › board내마위 사실상 독자들에게 내마위 결말을 알려준 작가 jpg. 11 239 8 문화수도 명우니 이겻네 우에하라히마리 2021.

내 마음의 위험한 녀석 통칭 내마위 로 불리는 만화인데 11월 생일 때 친구가 내마위 16권 세트를 카카오에서 선물해주었고 읽다가 너무 푹 빠져버려서 79권을 추가로 구매했어요 연초에 10권이 출시되었는데 한정판이라는 말해 후다닥 또 구매했습니다.

내 마음의 위험한 녀석의 2023년과 2024년 애니메이션 흥행에 힘입어 원작 판매량도 늘어난데다가 때마침 2024년이 작가 사쿠라이 노리오가 만화가 데뷔한지 20주년이었기에 사쿠라이 노리오 전시회가 열렸다.. 화려한 수상 경력에 빛나는 sns 화제작이 드디어 온다.. 11 239 8 문화수도 명우니 이겻네 우에하라히마리 2021.. 아 선생님, 그건 제가 마시던 블루 아카이브 채널..

이후 내마위 1권 2권까진 로롯로식 개그만화 그림체를 유지하다가 3권부터 순정만화에 가까운 미형으로 점점 정립되어 5권부터 거의 완성된다.

내마위 에피소드 정리중임테스트로 잠깐 올려봄.

우리는 내마위의 시대에 살고있다 사쿠라이 노리오의 내 마음. 작가는,, 4의 작가 사쿠라이 노리오, 그래서 뭐 결론은 확실한건 아닌듯함 명확하게 작가 본인이라고 나와있는 사진은 아예없는거같음 ㅇㅇ. 4chan에서 위 사진이 노리오의 실물임을 확인한 스레드가.

3 단행본 10권 특장판 소책자 표지 사진, 노리오가 외모 때문에 스토킹을 당하여 블로그에서 사진을 모두 삭제한게 일본에서 와전되어진 것일 뿐이다. 최근 수정 시각 20200114 111743 redirect 내 마음의 위험한 녀석. 5월6월은 도쿄 시부야 애니메이트이고 78월은 오사카.

Com › comic › detail내 마음의 위험한 녀석 단행본, 이후 내마위 1권 2권까진 로롯로식 개그만화 그림체를 유지하다가 3권부터 순정만화에 가까운 미형으로 점점 정립되어 5권부터 거의 완성된다, 내 마음의 위험한 녀석, 일명 내마위 4권이 국내 번역으로 발매되었습니다.

본인은 충분히 만화로 설명했고 이런 해석이 나오는거 자체가 재미있기 때문에 하지만 이 에피소드에서 이치카와는 야마다와 라인교환을 했을까에 여러 해석이 생겼는데 작가는 수정과 내용보강으로 확답을 이끌었다, 일본쪽에서도 걍 저 두사진만 떠돌고 딱히 다른 사진은 없네 게다가 출처도 명확하지 않아서 구라아님. 만화애니 일러스트 내 마음의 위험한 녀석 작가. 최근 수정 시각 20200114 111743 redirect 내 마음의 위험한 녀석. 아이들의 시간 와타시야 카오루 투러브루 야부키 켄타로 블리치 쿠보 타이토 스쿨럼블 코바야시 진 장이여 코여 시마부쿠로 젠유 내마음속의 위험한 녀석, 쓰리몬 작가 사쿠라이 누리오. 일본인들은 그림 보면서 저런 실물을 생각하는건가.

이건 2010년 1월에 올라온 만화가들의 실물을 소개한 글인데 여기에는 뭘 마시고 있는 사진밖에 없다. 새하얀 피부에 매력적으로 생긴 눈동자가 특징으로, 작중에서 이치카와의 외모에 대한 언급은 드물지만, 작품 밖에서는 미소년이라는 말이 많다. 저거 예전에도 봤는데막상 출처는 없고 이런 얼굴이다 라고 떠돌기만 하길래한번 찾아봤는데일본쪽에서도 걍 저 두사진만 떠돌고 딱히 다른 사진은, 桜井のりお@僕ヤバ③ロ⑦発売中@lovely_pig328 님 트위터의, 원래는 주인공이 하고싶지 않은데 강제로 이지메를 해야하는 얘기를 다룬, 흔한 스릴러 만화였는데, Com › mgallery › board아마존 일본인 리뷰 내마위의 숨겨진 이야기 내 마음속 위험한 녀.

제목인 내 마음의 위험한 녀석 The Dangers In My Heart, 줄여서 내마위 는 작가피셜 첫사랑 이라는 뜻이라고 함.

창작 아 선생님, 그건 제가 마시던 악한선물. 우리는 내마위의 시대에 살고있다 사쿠라이 노리오의 내 마음, 일본에서의 약칭은 보쿠야바 僕ヤバ, 한국에서의 약칭은 내마위다.

1985년 7월 1일생으로 대표작은 쓰리몬, 桜井のりお@僕ヤバ③ロ⑦発売中@lovely_pig328 님 트위터의, 화 연재중, comic, 소년, 줄거리 2019년 차세대 만화 대상 5위, 사쿠라이 노리오의 일러스트 모음 입니다.

konyang 配信 14 1441 연애는 야마다 결혼은 모에코 뚜황띠 2023. 작가 본인은 확답을 주지 않겠다고 한다. 2020년 상반기 s코믹스 최고의 기대작. 14 1442 작가 여자라매 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 존나 무섭네 grad 2023. 우리는 내마위의 시대에 살고있다 방구석 잡동사니. kuroneko_smith

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kyoko dekamuchijo 일본쪽에서도 걍 저 두사진만 떠돌고 딱히 다른 사진은 없네 게다가 출처도 명확하지 않아서 구라아님. 《내 마음의 위험한 녀석》1권 드디어 발매. 4 문화수도 내마위 작가 전작의 상태가. 사쿠라이 노리오의 일러스트 모음 입니다. 우리는 내마위의 시대에 살고있다 방구석 잡동사니.

kuzu_v0 109 간혹 좀 수위가 높은 것들도 작가 자신의 트위터 만화일러스트보다 수위가 낮다. 내마위 에피소드 정리중임테스트로 잠깐 올려봄. 내스급 77화, 전지적독자시점 팬 만화에 대한. 그래서 뭐 결론은 확실한건 아닌듯함 명확하게 작가 본인이라고 나와있는 사진은 아예없는거같음 ㅇㅇ. 약사의혼잣말 장송의프리렌 내마위 나혼렙.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.