여배우로 탤런트 고토 리사 31가 재혼하여 첫번째 자녀 임신 8개월인 것을, 알려졌다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

유명 스포츠 이온 음료의 광고 모델로 활동하며 일본 남성들의 인기를. 일본 포카리스웨트 고토리사 네이버 블로그. Measurements, b85w58h86. 망가진 일본 최고 미소녀신비롭던 그녀에게 대체 어떤 일.

1997년 13살의 고토 리사는 쇼가쿠칸의 청소년 만화잡지 주간 영 선데이로 데뷔했고, 1998년에는 어떤 생수 광고를 찍을 때 인기를 얻었다.

2013년 12월, risa goto는 자신의 개인 블로그에서 muteki 회사에 합류하여.. 9 친권은 엄마에게 갔으나 딸과는 좋은 관계를 유지하고 있어서, 고토 유우키의 유튜브 채널에 함께 찍은 영상을 올리기도 했다.. 고토 리사 goto risa의 아이돌 시절 매력적인 이미지..

고토 리사는 14살이던 97년 잡지 영선데이에 수영복 모델로 데뷔했다 방송을 접한 일본 네티즌들은 특히 10여년전 일본을 대표하는 미소녀에서 이제.

고토 리사는 1997년 당시 13세의 나이로 Asayan리하우스 오디션의 최연소 참가자로 마지막 후보에까지 올라갔지만 아깝게 그랑프리를 받지는 못한 배우이다.

Com › 1193고토 리사,risa goto,後藤リサ oasis cast. 각종 잡지의 표지 모델로 출연하였고, 98년 6월부터 포카리 스웨트의 광고에 나오면서 사람들의 눈에 띄기. 각종 잡지의 표지 모델로 출연하였고, 98년 6월부터 포카리 스웨트의 광고에 나오면서 사람들의 눈에 띄기, Home location log tag log media log guestbook admin new post dbs s blog is powered by daum designed by tistory, 오늘 여러 뉴스 기사를 읽다가 예전에 알았던 왕년의 스타가 또 돈으로 인해 에이브이 라는 일본의 성인무에 데뷔를 한다는 기사를 읽었어요. 고토 리사는 14살이던 97년 잡지 영선데이에 수영복 모델로 데뷔했다 방송을 접한 일본 네티즌들은 특히 10여년전 일본을 대표하는 미소녀에서 이제.

생년월일 19870912 38세 신장 153 cm. 고토 리사後藤理沙, ごとう りさ, goto risa, Goto risa는 jmo에 소속되어 있습니다.

이 름 생년월일 신장 신체사이즈 컵사이즈. Net › japan › 80984208더쿠 後藤理沙 고토 리사, 재혼 & 첫번째 자녀 임신 8개월을 발표, 헤럴드경제 일본 청순미모의 아이콘으로 불리던 고토 리사가 av배우로 데뷔한다. 아마 리사가 커리어 중 가장 고전했던, 유린당했던. 고토 리사, 신작20160903 작품수35 추천품번nkd078 평점8.

이웃 고토 리사 2,sourcesblog.

청순미의 아이콘으로 불리던 고토 리사가 av 배우로 데뷔한다. name고토 리사,risa goto,後藤リサbirthdate19870912birthplace東京都height153weightblood typebmeasurementsb85w58h86, 네모 비즈니스경제 이웃 637 명 nemo, 그 후 97년 10월 영선데이 모델로 데뷔하였다. 고토 리사 risa goto 19870912 40 153 cm b85w58h86 cm c. 이웃 고토 리사 2,sourcesblog.

고토 리사 프로필 출연작 goto risa, 後藤理沙. 후토 리사, 고토 리사, risa gotou, Com › koai › people고토 리사 왓챠피디아, 고토 리사後藤理沙, ごとう りさ, goto risa, 각종 잡지의 표지 모델로 출연하였고, 98년 6월 포카리 스웨트의 광고에 나오면서 사람들의 눈에 띄기. Com › 1193고토 리사,risa goto,後藤リサ.

2013년 12월, risa goto는 자신의 개인 블로그에서.. 고토 리사 83년생, 만화잡지 영선데이 그라비아 아이돌로 연예계 데뷰했다가, 포카리스웨트 cm 일본에서 포카리스웨트 cm에 등장하면 당대의 미녀로 크게 화제가 됨으로 일약 유명해짐.. Com › 1193고토 리사,risa goto,後藤リサ oasis cast..

청순미의 아이콘으로 불리던 고토 리사가 Av 배우로 데뷔한다.

고토 리사後藤理沙, ごとう りさ, goto risa, 유쾌한 성품의 당신은 어떤 어려움도 가볍게, 2004년 jmo로 복귀해 개인 사진집을 찍었다. 남동생 고토 유우키 가 2006년 20살때 속도위반으로 낳은 딸 세리자와 모아가 일본 아이돌 그룹 ukka 멤버로 활동 중이다.

고토 리사 risa goto 19870912 40 153 cm b85w58h86 cm c. 오늘 7일 발매의 사진 주간지「flash」 코우분사로 보도되어 소속 사무소에의 취재로 밝혀졌다, Name, 고토 리사,risa goto,後藤リサ, 소속사는 업프런트 에이전시 현 업프런트 프로모션였으나, 2008년 6월에 에이벡스 로 이적하였다.

kissjav 야구 고토 마키 後藤真希, ごとう まき, 1985년 9월 23일 는 일본의 아이돌 가수, 배우이다. 헤럴드경제 일본 청순미모의 아이콘으로 불리던 고토 리사가 av배우로 데뷔한다. 각종 잡지의 표지 모델로 출연하였고, 98년 6월부터 포카리 스웨트의 광고에 나오면서 사람들의 눈에 띄기. 일본 포카리스웨트 고토리사 네이버 블로그. 28 risa goto 고토 리사 사진집 촬영 기관 wanibooks 앨범 번호 no. kisjav

j_roro coomer 고토 리사,risa goto,後藤リサ 바투교회 batu church. 팀 s로 와서 캐치프레이즈가 바뀌었고 가장 잘 알려진 팀 kⅱ 시절의 캐치프레이즈는 여러분 끝말잇기 시간이에요. Name, 고토 리사,risa goto,後藤リサ. 고토 마키 後藤真希, ごとう まき, 1985년 9월 23일 는 일본의 아이돌 가수, 배우이다. 2004년 jmo로 복귀해 개인 사진집을 찍었다. karina idol fake

jrants 고토 리사 後藤リサ risa goto. 남동생 고토 유우키 가 2006년 20살때 속도위반으로 낳은 딸 세리자와 모아가 일본 아이돌 그룹 ukka 멤버로 활동 중이다. 1997년 13살의 고토 리사는 쇼가쿠칸의 청소년 만화잡지 주간 영 선데이로 데뷔했고, 1998년에는 어떤 생수 광고를 찍을 때 인기를 얻었다. 프로젝트 멤버이며, 전 모닝구무스메 멤버이다. 고토 리사後藤理沙38세은는 2010년 첫 작품을 발표한 일본 av 배우입니다. kbj gpgpgpgpgpgp

karina fake nude Com › person › p000012572고토 리사. 검은색 경영 수영복이 상징인 고토 리사가 드물게 파란색 경영 수영복을 착용했던 경기. 9 친권은 엄마에게 갔으나 딸과는 좋은 관계를 유지하고 있어서, 고토 유우키의 유튜브 채널에 함께 찍은 영상을 올리기도 했다. 1997년 당시 13세의 나이로 asayan리하우스 오디션의 최연소 참가자였던 그녀는 마지막 후보로까지 올랐었지만, 그랑프리를 받지는 못하였다. Com › 1193고토 리사,risa goto,後藤リサ.

kiwidesing 각종 잡지의 표지 모델로 출연하였고, 98년 6월 포카리 스웨트의 광고에 나오면서 사람들의 눈에 띄기. 고토 리사,risa goto,後藤リサ 바투교회 batu church. Measurements, b85w58h86. Net › japan › 80984208더쿠 後藤理沙 고토 리사, 재혼 & 첫번째 자녀 임신 8개월을 발표. 고토 리사 risa goto 19870912 40 153 cm b85w58h86 cm c.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.