Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

이곳 역시 회원가로 운영하는 가격이 따로. 난 체인이고하니 다 한국사람이 하는줄 알았더니. 아로마 오일로 향긋하게 마사지 후 마무리는 일반 타이 마사지 스타일로 스트레칭까지 완료. 39 80퍼가아니고 다불법이다 손으로 몸주무르는거다안됨 03.

전왕전기 히로인 디시

코로나 심해진 후로 안가고 있지만원래 마사지 좋아해서 한달에 한번씩 갔었음퇴폐는 극혐함원래 더풋샵 다니다가 타이마사지가 싸길래 옮겼음더풋샵은 한시간에 56만원인데타이는 한시간에 3만원하도 퇴폐썰 많이들어서 걱정하면서.. Followers, 363 following, 33 posts see instagram photos and videos from 더풋샵 청주지웰점 @thefootshop_cj.. 난 체인이고하니 다 한국사람이 하는줄 알았더니.. 더풋샵국회의사당역점 여의도마사지 영등포마사지 좌식스트레칭 서로에게 엄지척날리며 훈훈한 마무리 파워와 섬세를 동시에 갖춘 오쌤 강추..

조지나 로드리게스 키

여자친구랑 같이 받으러 가려고알아보니 더풋샵이 체인이고 어딜가든평타는 친다그래서 가볼까 하는데예약 전화했더니 말투가 어눌한게중국인같더라고. 테라피 ㅁㅁㄹ 해준다는 글도 있고 안해준다는 글도 있어서확실하게 받을만한 타이마사지만 주구장창 다니던 게이다근데. 참고로 예약하기 전 우리는 2명이 방문하는 거라 동일한 시간대에 가능한지 전화연락을 한, 더풋샵국회의사당역점 여의도마사지 영등포마사지 좌식스트레칭 서로에게 엄지척날리며 훈훈한 마무리 파워와 섬세를 동시에 갖춘 오쌤 강추. 저는 갠적으로 좋았네요 강 약 조절도 잘하시는것 같구요 담엔 스포츠 맛사지 받아 볼라구여 마지막에 스포츠 맛사지로 마무리 풋샵 구미더풋샾.

조제리 실물 디시

아침엔가 본건데 진짜 건전하기 마사지 받으려면 더풋샵 가야해.. 전체보기 맛배기 투어 445개의 글 목록열기.. 테라피 ㅁㅁㄹ 해준다는 글도 있고 안해준다는 글도 있어서확실하게 받을만한 타이마사지만 주구장창 다니던 게이다근데.. Com › mgallery › board타이마사지받았는데 ㅈ나찝찝하네 고소 마이너 갤러리..

Com › sangah0627 › 223329489605용인 동백 마사지 더풋샵 바디관리 후기 더풋샵 가격 네이버 블로. 커플 마사지 받으려다가 못 온 짝꿍이 엄청 생각나더라구요, 대한안마사협회 소속 시각장애인 회원들은 매일 아침 광화문 인근 세양빌딩 앞으로 모인다.

제타 미국서버 통 큰 사장님 덕분에 오늘 하루 온몸에 생기 충전 완료. 통 큰 사장님 덕분에 오늘 하루 온몸에 생기 충전 완료. 249 맹인 아니면 자격증 안나옴 03. 관리사님 오셔서 족욕 마무리 하고 마사지 들어가면 사용한 족욕대랑 찻잔, 탈의실 정리. 퇴근하고 맨날 피곤했던 직장인, 천국에 입성하다 4. 정구 twitter

조교플 테라피샵 갔다옴 뜨끈한 후기 써줌 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 여행. 결론적으로말하면 ㅈ나건전하게받았고 서비스딜조차없었고 ㅈ라시원하게받고옴 일부러 서비스유도도 ㅈ같아서 대형체인점 마사지샵으로 갔음네이버검색하면 67개정도 00지점, 00지점 이런식으로쭉 나옴하노이풋앤바디, 오디풋샵 이런. Followers, 363 following, 33 posts see instagram photos and videos from 더풋샵 청주지웰점 @thefootshop_cj. 마사지 끝나면 결제 안한분은 결제하고 신발 꺼내주고 슬리퍼. 아로마 오일로 향긋하게 마사지 후 마무리는 일반 타이 마사지 스타일로 스트레칭까지 완료. 제이플러스 재영 인스타

정글 av 배우 그들은 출근길 사무실에 들어서는 김앤장 소속 변호사들을 향해 시각장애인 생존권 침해하는 변호를 즉각 중단하라. 더풋샵 동백점은 경기지역화폐 가맹점이라 용인와이페이도 쓸 수 있다. 퇴근하고 맨날 피곤했던 직장인, 천국에 입성하다 4. 구미 형곡동 더 풋샾 발관리 아로마 맛사지 피로가 싹 풀리네요. 첨 가보려는거라 그런지 괜찮은건지 걱정되서 직장인끼리 소개팅하러 가기💛 by. 젠지 마이너

정로 그리고 용산역으로 이동하기 쉬운 더풋샵 랜드점에 방문 일주일 전에 예약했다. 90분에 15정도 하는데 이도저도 아니고 그돈이면. Com › board › view타이마사 이제 안가야겟따 ㅠㅠ 여행동남아 갤러리. Redirecting to sgall. 잠실에서 힐링하는 시간 잠실마사지 더폿샵 잠실나루점에서 아로마 마사지 1시간 받아본 후기 더풋샵 더.

정상현 병크 여자친구랑 같이 받으러 가려고알아보니 더풋샵이 체인이고 어딜가든평타는 친다그래서 가볼까 하는데예약 전화했더니 말투가 어눌한게중국인같더라고. 용산역 마사지 더풋샵 이촌점에 들어가니 다른 세계가 펼쳐진 느낌이었다. 퇴근하고 맨날 피곤했던 직장인, 천국에 입성하다 4. 더풋샵 과천 지정타점 체험단 후기 복분자 족욕 + 따끈한 우롱차 + 무려 80분 스포츠 마사지까지. 0 들어가기 전에 본인은 마사지를 정말정말 사랑하는 평범한 청년임 시간 여유 있을때마다 눈감고 유튜브 asmr 마사지 영상을.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.