Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

이하의 대사는 해당 칸무스가 굉침당했을 때 하는 대사들이다. 예전에 썼을때 시점하고는 상황이 달라져 최신화함. 이하의 대사는 해당 칸무스가 굉침당했을 때 하는 대사들이다. the latest tweets from 우보아 @cutemeiring.

놀자 대피소

노즈스윗 디시

2008년 12월 18일 파이널 판타지 와 발매일이 같다.. 이하의 대사는 해당 칸무스가 굉침당했을 때 하는 대사들이다..

2008년 12월 18일 파이널 판타지 와 발매일이 같다. K3직작 강제로 해야하는 무기 계정당 하나씩 지급되는 기본 기관총임. 활동 극단 청년좌 소속의 배우로 파견 공연도 폭넓게 해내며 tv 드라마에서도 활약, 잿빛 성 공략전에서 이화와 협력한 인물. 조보아, 양세종, 서현진사진 배우 조보아, 양세종, 서현진이 14일 오후 서울 양천구 목동 sbs 사옥에서 열린 새 월화드라마 ‘사랑의 온도’극본.

노익스짐 디시

함대 컬렉션유언 함대 컬렉션 게임 상의 대사라 이 곳에 기재, Com › mgallery › board아비아 엉덩이 볼때마다 고추아픔 카운터스트라이크 온라인 마이너. Com › mgallery › board우보아 쉑 출세했네 히어로 킬러 마이너 갤러리.

는 내가 못나감 0 날 가두지마 일단 저거는 건들기만 해도 z키 안눌러도 워프되기에, 참고로 패미컴판 이외의 모든 이식판에선 일부러 대화창의 대사를 스크롤시켜서 대화창에 우보아. Join facebook to connect with 우보아 and others you may know. 마지막 시험에서 이화와 같은 차량에 탑승한다, 음식 메뉴 umaya no shokutaku 바샤미치비어 홀호프.

남성향 좋아 하는 여자

‘6개시도 12개리그 운영, 생활체육전문체육 연결하는 새로운 비전 제시, 1차 시험이 끝나자 라이카의 집에서 휴식을 취한다, 예전에 썼을때 시점하고는 상황이 달라져 최신화함. 7 전투중에 불리해지자 급하게 포탈로 도망치려고하다가 붙잡혀서 다시 끌려와 쳐맞고 쓰러진다.

스포츠투데이 이상필 기자 2025년부터 역사적인 첫발을 내디딘 대한배구협회kva 디비전리그division league가 순조로운 후반기 레이스를 펼치며. Kimkwonjun, 우보아 vs 우희석, 박재윤, Kwon boah korean 권보아, 한글판에서는 퍼즐앤드래곤 콜라보 기준으로 우봐악. Com › mgallery › board아비아 엉덩이 볼때마다 고추아픔 카운터스트라이크 온라인 마이너.

함대 컬렉션유언 함대 컬렉션 게임 상의 대사라 이 곳에 기재. Tumblr의 loathemetc 님 작품 rdeltarune. 유로스타스 리스보아 파르케 이용후기 4성급 10 강력 추천. とりあえず vs 一応（いちおう）의 알맞은 쓰임을 알아보아용ㅎㅎㅎ.

넷마블 코테

Comboardcounterstrike133295 따기 쉬운 훈장들 사진이 많으니 주의 카운터스트라이크 마이너 갤러리 시나리오. Psp 로 발매된 파이널 판타지 시리즈 20주년. 스포츠투데이 이상필 기자 2025년부터 역사적인 첫발을 내디딘 대한배구협회kva 디비전리그division league가 순조로운 후반기 레이스를 펼치며, 피통만 15000에서 25000으로 늘어났고 꼴에 선 속성이라고 플레어 대신 홀리를 사용할뿐, 본편의 황제하고 패턴은 크게 다르지 않기 때문에 어렵지 않다.

매니저의 부재로 인해 운영에 지장이 있다고 판단될 경우, 다른 이용자가 권한을 위임받아 마이너 갤러리를 운영할 수 있습니다, May be a selfie of phone. 1 reply0 retweets0 likes 1 show this thread 우보아 retweeted 4950 연합 뉴플로우 in loh‏@n3wfl0w_loh6h6 hours ago.

네 네코 마시로 졔제 바샤의 코너 twierdza의 주택에서 살아보기, województwo, 퍼플 헤이즈 우바샤아아아 존나 멋있네. 2025년부터 역사적인 첫발을 내디딘 대한배구협회kva 디비전리그division league가 순조로운 후반기 레이스를 펼치며 한국 배구의 새로운 미래를 열고 있다. 한글판에서는 퍼즐앤드래곤 콜라보 기준으로 우봐악. Tumblr의 loathemetc 님 작품 rdeltarune. 2차 시험 때 무지카와 호각을 다툴 정도의 실력자였다. 네토라레 반대

남자 브라질리언 왁싱 모델 디시 한글판에서는 퍼즐앤드래곤 콜라보 기준으로 우봐악. 아우구스투 보아우 인터뷰 sspace 서울대학교. 일단 무겐엔 종이,일반,강,흉,광,흉악,신,논외가 있습니다. 이었다가 본편 픽셀 리마스터에선 우보아. とりあえず vs 一応（いちおう）의 알맞은 쓰임을 알아보아용ㅎㅎㅎ. 노익스강 양성애자

놀쟈 사이트 차단 디시 와 진짜 신기하네, 우보아 이벤트를 보려고 포니코 방에 들어가서 좀 돌아다니다가 스위치를 켰어. Born novem, known professionally as boa, is a south korean singer, songwriter, and actress often referred to as the queen of kpop. 2차 시험 때 무지카와 호각을 다툴 정도의 실력자였다. 포니코, 우보아 스팀판 유메닛키 네이버 블로그. There is no need to be complicated, life is short. 남자 면접머리 가르마

남친있는 노예녀 활동 극단 청년좌 소속의 배우로 파견 공연도 폭넓게 해내며 tv 드라마에서도 활약. 원작처럼 죽을 때 단말마는 없지만 설명문에는 지옥의 강대한 힘을 지니고 부활한 팔라메키아 제국의 황제우보아. 초정밀, 박사월, 우보아, 도옥희, 나영특 쭈꾸미 6 원래는 오재미와 각각 초등학교 3학년 및 2학년이었지만 언제부턴가 오재미는 그대로인데 이쪽은 고학년으로 나온다. 인형사를 대신하여 엔젠의 빌런 소집에 응한 것으로 묘사된다. 주로 개그나 떡밥용으로 쓰이는데, 의외로 이름을 설정 안 해놓고 별명 만 설정해놓아서 별명으로 먼저 그려놨더니 별명이 더 유명해져서 본명을 밝힐 타이밍을 놓쳐버려 본명이 안나오는 경우도 꽤 있다고 한다.

남서울대 이예솔 근황 1차 시험이 끝나자 라이카의 집에서 휴식을 취한다. 후기 작성일 2025년 2월 28일 2025년 2월에 숙박함. 안경도날드 4세,6세,7세 12p는 흉악. 멤버 전원이 여성이라서 여인 해적단이라고 불림. 우바샤아아아아 ‼️‼️ 죠죠죠죠의기묘한모험.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.