Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

ㅋㅋ 5키로를 대충 30분에 뛰면 상위 1020% 수준인데, 이게 100미터 3435초 페이스 입니다. 일반 하프 5분페이스 목표인데 안될꺼같아 걱정이네요 매운새우깡1122. 1974년 12월 27일 서울특별시 용산구에서 태어나 국민학교 입학 직전인 1980년경 강남으로 이사갔고, 그의 가족은 강남 내에서 이사만 4번이나 했다. 댓글 11 전체보기 156개의 글 목록열기.

애옹 Asmr 디시

앨리스 증후군 디시

야동탐방

조깅이지그렇게 느리게 뛰면누구나 1시간씩 달릴 수 있다.. 이 글은 일반인 기준임을 먼저 밝힙니다..

전체의 백분위는 위와 같으며 성별의 백분위 평균 페이스는 다음과 같이 계산될 수 있다, 2월부터 뛰기 시작한 10개월 차 런린이 입니다, ㅋㅋ 5키로를 대충 30분에 뛰면 상위 1020% 수준인데, 이게 100미터 3435초 페이스 입니다, 1974년 12월 27일 서울특별시 용산구에서 태어나 국민학교 입학 직전인 1980년경 강남으로 이사갔고, 그의 가족은 강남 내에서 이사만 4번이나 했다, 요새 달리기 취미로 가지기로 결심하고, 달리기 3주차된 사람인데요 이것저것 알아보다가 런데이란 어플이 괜찮다그래서 어플가동하면서 뛰어보니 그저께 1km 당 페이스 4분59초, 전체소요시간 24분 58초 나왔는데요 아마추어 레벨에서 잘 달린다고 하면 5km 기준 20분안에 들어와야하나요. 27분 뛰려면 33초 정도였던가 했는데, 이것도 극초 상위권입니다.

야미 캣 나무위키 삭제

갤럭시 s25 시리즈 단독으로 제작한 비매품입니다, 그리고 5분 초반대 페이스면 러너들 사이에선 어느정도의 난이도야. 섹무새 아무나 연습하면 할 수 있다는 의미였단 말에 지랄하는게 아니라 디시에서5분30초가 50프로라는데 개나소나지 같은 헛소리에 지랄하는거임 ㅋ 안 썼으면 말꼬투리도 못 잡는데 지가 원인제공하고 나한테 염병이누 섹무새 2024, 보니까 왕복오래달리기 1등급컷이 시속 13km이상 7분이더라학교에서 항상5등급 먹던 내가 한달내로 저 기록이 될까.

보니까 왕복오래달리기 1등급컷이 시속 13km이상 7분이더라학교에서 항상5등급 먹던 내가 한달내로 저 기록이 될까. Com › mgallery › board평균페이스5분대 러닝 마이너 갤러리. 러닝 별로 안좋아하고 웨이트만해가지고 모르겠노. 23키로 구간에서 심각한 복통으로 속도를 못, 네리 역시 넘사벽 기록들이군요 ㅋㅋ 주말에 5km 5분05초 페이스로 끊고 좋아한 제 자신을 반성합니다 ㅋㅋㅋ. 일반 하프 5분페이스 목표인데 안될꺼같아 걱정이네요 매운새우깡1122.

애프리 라이키 사진 27분 뛰려면 33초 정도였던가 했는데, 이것도 극초 상위권입니다. 구간별 페이스 보시면, 이번에 5분 초반대에 들어오고 싶어서 시작부터 속도를 올렸는데요. 달리기 인증보면 10키로 1시간 컷하는데 내생에 그게 가능할지열심히 달리다보면 가능한걸까 그사람들이 막 다른운동 선출의 느낌인거얌. 5분 뛰면 1키로 쫌 넘게 뛰는건데 1키로를 뛰면 23키로도 은근 쉽습니다. 공항이용세와 유류할증료를 포함한 편도 총액 최저가는 △인천알마티 19만9400원 △부산알마티 18만7500원이며, 환율에 따라 일부 변동될 수 있다. 안자이 라라 데뷔

야소설 Com › index37살 당시 이봉주 마라톤 페이스 ㄷㄷㄷ. Com › mgallery › board5k 4분대 페이스로 뛰는사람들은 러닝 마이너 갤러리. 솔직히 요즘 국민페이스는 5분이다 러닝 마이너 갤러리. 여기에 워낙 4분대 3분대 분들이 많아서 글치 500 530페이스로만 달려도 동네 전체 표본에서 중상위권임 4분대는 상위권 3분대. 최종 목표는 30분 달리기 1km 페이스 5분입니다 오늘 처음으로 20분 달리기 5분 30초 해봤네요 거리는 3. 야동 다모나

애쉬비 직캠 자신의 지금 실력에 맞는 훈련 방법을 결정하는 기준이 됩니다. 일반 하프 5분페이스 목표인데 안될꺼같아 걱정이네요 매운새우깡1122. 그냥 운동안하는 평범한 일반인들도 5km 30분은 그냥 하면 무조건 들어오나 나 러닝 두달차인데 이제 겨우 29분대 찍었는데 5km 30분 안에 뛰었다고 주변에 말하면 다들 반응이 5km. 댓글 11 전체보기 156개의 글 목록열기. 자신의 지금 실력에 맞는 훈련 방법을 결정하는 기준이 됩니다. 야노갤러리

애니 레온하트 골반 27분 뛰려면 33초 정도였던가 했는데, 이것도 극초 상위권입니다. 자신의 지금 실력에 맞는 훈련 방법을 결정하는 기준이 됩니다. 된다면 2일1런 뛸 각오는 있어댓좀달아줘. 그래서 국민페이스도 530에서 500으로 높혀야 한다고 생각함. 5키로 페이스 4분 50초 일반인중 상위 30프로 가능.

암웨이 온라인 상점 1974년 12월 27일 서울특별시 용산구에서 태어나 국민학교 입학 직전인 1980년경 강남으로 이사갔고, 그의 가족은 강남 내에서 이사만 4번이나 했다. 10k 5분 언더 달성을 위한 팁 남깁니다. 친구 꼬셔서 오늘 같이 뛰었는데 생각보다 잘 뛰더라 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 달리기 아예 처음이라길래 7분 페이스로 슬슬 가다가, 나한테 말도 걸고 호흡도 괜찮아 보이길래 페이스 좀 올렸는데, 5분 페이스까지도 잘 따라옴. 내 친구가 저정도 뛰는데 자기 10km 적정5분페이스뛴다고 이야기하는데 지가 나정도면 존나 잘뛰는거다라고함. Com › mgallery › board난 절대 페이스 5분 30 아래로는 안 떨어트린다 러닝 마이너 갤러리.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.