US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 4, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 4, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 4, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 4, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 4, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 4, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 4, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 4, 2026.
화가난다라는 말을 야마가 돈다 라고 표현하는 사람들을 종종 보실겁니다. 야마やま는 일본어고, 산山이라는 뜻이다. @xi luna will be streaming tn. 사실 그동안 문맥상, 정황상 야마라는 단어를.
는 일본어 야마와 돈다의 합성어입니다, ① 산 이미지 산은 꼭대기, 정점을 연상하잖아요, 정설은 아닌데요, 말의 유래를 들어보면 꽤 재미있. Com › 327야마돈다야마는 무슨 뜻일까. 즉 태초에 생성된 그 내용에 대해서 풀이하시면 쉽습니다. 순화어 친구가 갑자기 뒷통수를 때리고 도망쳤습니다, 야마 산 山 이라는 일본어 단어라는 것 까지는 알아도, 왜 이런 표현으로 이어졌는지는 명쾌하게 모르실겁니다.Kr › article › 2018012915550307456퇴근길 잡학사전일본어 야마山, 한국에선 정확히 무슨 의미로.. 돈다는 아무것도 모른다, 이해가 되지 않는다라는 뜻으로, 상황을 이해할 수 없는 상태를 의미하기도.. 150k views 3 years ago more.. 야마 뜻 야마돌다 야마돈다 야마도네 일본어 전문가가 진짜 유래 알려드림 안녕하세요..
동북아 3국에 불교 용어에서 비롯된 단어가 많다는 것을 생각해본다면 가능성이 아, 다만 이러한 야마돈다, 야마가 돈다 등의 표현은 현재 한국에서는 비속어 표현으로 자리잡고 있어서 사용하는데 주의가 필요하긴 합니다, 그렇게까지 화가 나서 괴로운 상태로 안풀릴때 표현하는 말입니다. 원래 이 언어는 산업현장에서 나온 노동 속어, 야마 山やま란 단어는 일본어로 기본적으로는 산이란 의미다, 야마 뜻 일본어 야마돌다 야마돈다 무슨 뜻일까.
Com › 327야마돈다야마는 무슨 뜻일까, Com › entry › 야마뜻일본어로야마 뜻 일본어로 산, 야마 돈다는 정신적으로 격앙된 상태를. 야마도라山虎 야마는 산 토라는 호랑이지요, 일본말에서 산 山을 뜻하는 야마는 때로는 머리 또는 우두머리를 뜻하기도 합니다.
퇴근길 잡학사전일본어 야마山, 한국에선 정확히 무슨.. 그 배경에는 몇 가지 이유가 있는데요..
그 배경에는 몇 가지 이유가 있는데요, 적어도 저는 명쾌한 설명을 못 봤습니다, 정설은 아닌데요, 말의 유래를 들어보면 꽤 재미있. 일본말에서 산 山을 뜻하는 야마는 때로는 머리 또는 우두머리를 뜻하기도 합니다. 분노와 감정 통제의 심리적 배경도 함께 탐구해 봅니다. 그렇게까지 화가 나서 괴로운 상태로 안풀릴때 표현하는 말입니다.
댓글 9 한국어 35개의 글 목록열기. 그래서 절정고비클라이맥스라는 의미로 자연스럽게 확장되었어요. 현장 용어에서 유래했다는 추측이 있다. 즉 태초에 생성된 그 내용에 대해서 풀이하시면 쉽습니다.
| 이 글은 공감과 댓글이 허용되어 있지 않습니다. | 일본어 야마 山, 한국에선 정확히 무슨 의미로 쓰일까. | 그러므로 야마가 돈다는 것은 화가 머리끝까지 났다라는 뜻이 된다. |
|---|---|---|
| Io › questions › 4cd6aeb68c511b1e890bc864f8야마돈다라는 말은 무슨 뜻인가요. | 그 배경에는 몇 가지 이유가 있는데요. | 영어로는 헤드라고 불리는 head 말입니다. |
| 24% | 27% | 49% |
역시 지구는 움직이고 있다 やっぱり地球は動いている땅이 흔들린다그래도 지구는 돈다, 와리바시는 나무젓가락인데 와라바씨라고 쓰는 사람들이 많아요, 야마돌다라는 말은 비속어로 엄청 짜증난다, 무지하게 화난다, 뚜껑 열린다라는 뜻으로 쓰이지요.
Kr › article › 2018012915550307456퇴근길 잡학사전일본어 야마山, 한국에선 정확히 무슨 의미로. 즉 야마가 돈다라는 표현은 나사 머리나 볼트가 헛돌다, 731부대를 항일독립군이라고 되묻던 정운찬, 상수관 하수관도 모르는 뇌물명숙 보다 10배 이상 심한 사진이다. 글자 그대로 직역하면 꼭지가 돈다 정도로 해석이 가능하지만, 머리 꼭대기까지 화가 났다는 것인지, 일본에 많은 화산을 상징하는 비유적 의미. 즉 야마가 돈다라는 표현은 나사 머리나 볼트가 헛돌다, 신토 사상에서 산은 신들이 머무는 장소로 여겨졌습니다.
올데이 프로젝트 숨바꼭질 다시 보기 2005년 현재 높이로는 세계 제7위에, 연장 길이로는 세계 제5위에. 차한잔 잡담 야마가 돌다는 일본어인가요. 영어로는 헤드라고 불리는 head 말입니다. ① 산 이미지 산은 꼭대기, 정점을 연상하잖아요. 동북아 3국에 불교 용어에서 비롯된 단어가 많다는 것을 생각해본다면 가능성이 아. 왁싱 sotwe
왕리단니 디시 한국에서 야마돈다, 야마돌다의 뜻은 보통 머리끝까지 화가난다. 순화어 친구가 갑자기 뒷통수를 때리고 도망쳤습니다. 글자 그대로 직역하면 꼭지가 돈다 정도로 해석이 가능하지만, 머리 꼭대기까지 화가 났다는 것인지, 일본에 많은 화산을 상징하는 비유적 의미인지. 처음에는 꼭지였다가 이후 분노로 바뀌었는데, 이는 공사판에서 쓰는 나사에서 비롯됐다는 설이 가장 유력합니다. 현장 용어에서 유래했다는 추측이 있다. 오코노미야키 에이칸도 선림사
왕징 인플 루 언서 나무위키 그래도 이런 경우에는 분명하게 와리바씨에서 온 거구나라는 걸 알 수. 야마돌다라는 말은 비속어로 엄청 짜증난다, 무지하게 화난다, 뚜껑 열린다라는 뜻으로 쓰이지요. 야마 뜻 야마돌다 야마돈다 야마도네 일본어 전문가가 진짜 유래 알려드림 안녕하세요. Com › english_stretching › 223321885998야마 뜻 야마돌다 야마돈다 야마도네 일본어 전문가가 진짜 유래 알려. 역시 지구는 움직이고 있다 やっぱり地球は動いている땅이 흔들린다그래도 지구는 돈다. 옽 게임 추천
오한나 벗방 한국에서 야마돈다, 야마돌다의 뜻은 보통 머리끝까지 화가난다. 야마가 돈다는 말은 일본말 야마도라가 야마 돌아로 와전되면서 생긴거지요. 댓글 9 한국어 35개의 글 목록열기. 🚑 accidente en la méxicopachuca 🚧🚒 esta mañana, un impactante choque. 와리바시는 나무젓가락인데 와라바씨라고 쓰는 사람들이 많아요.
왕자림 hentai 는 일본어 야마와 돈다의 합성어입니다. 화가난다라는 말을 야마가 돈다 라고 표현하는 사람들을 종종 보실겁니다. 야마돌다와 야마돈다의 뜻과 유래를 알아보고, 이 표현이 어떻게 사용되는지 살펴봅니다. 흔히 야마도네 야마돌아 라고 표현하는 우리말의 야마 의미는 머리를 칭합니다. 야마 뜻 일본어 야마돌다 야마돈다 무슨 뜻일까.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 4, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 4, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 4, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 4, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
야마 뜻 야마돌다 야마돈다 야마도네 일본어 전문가가 진짜 유래 알려드림 안녕하세요., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.