Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

정유정 사건만봐도 그렇다와꾸보면 모자랑 마스크로 가려져서 그렇지딱봐도 어느 남자도 관심 안가져줄 외모다23살 꽃다운. 하지만 저는 당당하게 살아가려고 했습니다. 뚱녀는 성격이 안좋다아주 게으른 성격을 가지고 있을 확률이 높고일반여성보다 스트레스가 심해서 성격이 괴팍하다의지도 부족하고 노력도 안한다자신이 대우받는 여자이고 싶어서 한국형 페미니즘이 되는 경우가 많다여시 더쿠. 그 뒤로 진짜 뚱뚱한 여자 있으면 조금 과장해서 조금 역한 느낌들고 성욕 1도 안생김 진짜 이렇게 사람이 천박하고 양심없게 살 수 있구나 싶었던 날이라서 지금 생각해도 진짜 내가 병신같음.

Nina Drama 나이

진짜 얼굴은 이쁘고, 2년전 말랐을 때 사진만 봐도 너무 이상형인데 지금은 살이 좀 많이쪄있음대화나 행동 이런게 너무 잘통해서 사귀기로 한지 일주일 지났는데, 내가 사귀기전에 살뺐을 때 사진들은 진짜 내 이상형이라고 했더니 지금 식단하면서 주2회 운동도 다님.. 키는 160cm 초반대이고, 주변에서 흔히 말하는 뚱뚱한 여자입니다.. 뚱녀는 성격이 안좋다아주 게으른 성격을 가지고 있을 확률이 높고일반여성보다 스트레스가 심해서 성격이 괴팍하다의지도 부족하고 노력도 안한다자신이 대우받는 여자이고 싶어서 한국형 페미니즘이 되는 경우가 많다여시 더쿠.. 요즘은 젊은 여자가 일하는 마사지집이 많다..

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Palpis 安全性

정유정 사건만봐도 그렇다와꾸보면 모자랑 마스크로 가려져서 그렇지딱봐도 어느 남자도 관심 안가져줄 외모다23살 꽃다운. 예전에 뚱녀랑 연애했었다 바람의나라 연 마이너 갤러리, 눈에 보이는 모든 뚱뚱한 여자를 극혐하는 남자는 정신에 문제가 있지 않을까요.

Olmizuki Leak

빼빼마를 필욘 옶지만, 지금 건강을 생각해서라도 비만은 좋지 않긴 합니다. 진짜 절대 만나지 말아야함그 이유가얘네들 이쁜여자랑 똑같은 대우를 원함 외모가 씹창인데 이쁜여자랑 똑같은 대우를 원함, 정식으로 마사지업소 등록을 하되 문을 잠그고 일을 하니 성매매가 이루어진다.

Com › mgallery › board뚱녀가 연애하고 행복해서 쓰는 개소리ㅇㅇ 썰 마이너 갤러리, 100kg 이상 뚱녀도 연애하는거 보면 여자는 딸깍임. 223 연애 취업 사교성은 살빼는거+@로 노력해야되니까 딱 살빼는것까지가 가진 노력의 최대치인 사람들이 발작하는거임 2023. 그냥 잘 챙겨주고 배려해주고 이해심많고 만나면 누나 같고. 뚱녀는 성격이 안좋다아주 게으른 성격을 가지고 있을 확률이 높고일반여성보다 스트레스가 심해서 성격이 괴팍하다의지도 부족하고 노력도 안한다자신이 대우받는 여자이고 싶어서 한국형 페미니즘이 되는 경우가 많다여시 더쿠. 당장 살빼는건 불가능이고 일단 내 체형을 좋아하는 여자를 만나는게 더좋을거같은데.

Ntr Hitomi

내가 겨티쉬 발티쉬 다 있는 입장으로 얘기하는건데연애안한지 너무 오래됏고 거기다 금딸거의 2주 가까이 해서 그런지 헌팅술집에서 알게된 여자가 있는데 걔가 단둘이 술마시자고 연락와서 마심거기서 술기운에 하 모텔가서 발빠는것까진 좋았는데 겨드랑이.. 그냥 잘 챙겨주고 배려해주고 이해심많고 만나면 누나 같고.. 원래 연애하면 마른 여자들만 만났지만.. Com › mgallery › board뚱녀가 연애하고 행복해서 쓰는 개소리ㅇㅇ 썰 마이너 갤러리..

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osamason 나무위키 정확히 얘기하면 뚱뚱하든 마르던 몸매는 상관 없는거임. 주변에서 진짜 뚱뚱한여자 만나는 남자 거의 한명도못봤는데 애초에 뚱뚱한여자도 별로없지않냐. 요즘은 젊은 여자가 일하는 마사지집이 많다. 마른남자는 뚱뚱한여자 좋아한다는설 리얼임. 158 여자에도 관심 없었음 왜냐면 여자도 나한테 관심 없으니까. njav ol

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one piece_ episode of sabo - bond of three brothers, a miraculous reunion and an inherited will online 진짜 뚱뚱한 여자랑은 절대 100% 하지마 후회하지마라 제발. 일단 내 나이는 23살이고 3살 연상의 남자친구가 있다나는 옛날부터 뚱뚱해서 자주 남자애들 놀림감이 되었고그 때문에 이성한테는 자존감이 떨어지는 모습을 많이 보여왔음. 뚱뚱해도 자신감이나, 관리하는 사람은 좋아합니다. 진짜 뚱뚱한 여자랑은 절대 100% 하지마 후회하지마라 제발. 15 1816 뚱뚱한 여자는 이성으로 안 느껴지더라.

ofje594 잠안와서 쓰는 뚱녀 썰장문주의 소개팅 마이너 갤러리. Com › board › view못생긴건 참아도 뚱녀는 못참아 절대안돼 연애상담 갤러리. 진짜 절대 만나지 말아야함그 이유가얘네들 이쁜여자랑 똑같은 대우를 원함 외모가 씹창인데 이쁜여자랑 똑같은 대우를 원함. 이혼 전문 변호사 이혼할 일 없는 사람jpg. 때로는 엄마 같기도 했어요 힘들면 기대고싶고 의지하고 싶은 그런 스타일의 여자.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.