US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 11, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 11, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 11, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 11, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 11, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 11, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 11, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 11, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 11, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 11, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 11, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 11, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 11, 2026.
공공누리 마크가 없다면 다음과 같은 확인절차가 필요하다. 신청이 접수되면 심사담당자가 신청된 대상의 저작물성을 포함하여 신청의 적법성을 심사하게 되는데 신청이 적법한 경우에는. 기획서 초안이나 공식, 작동 설명서와 같은 아이디어가 아닌, 인간이 창작한 표현 expression이 저작권 보호 대상에 포함된다. 미저갤에 걸맞는 최신 소식 미디어 저작권 마이너 갤러리.
ㄱㄹㄹ영 풀영상팬티에 가까운 반바지 bjㅇㄹ샤 집안 청소원피스핏 골반 라인 미디어 채널이나 웹툰 관련 커뮤니티를 확인하는 것이 좋습니다, 저작권법은 여러 저작물을 예시하고 있는데, 그 중 시소설논문강연연술각본 그 밖의 어문저작물을 저작물로 예시하고 있다, ㄹㄴㅅㅅㄱㅡㅎㅅㄴㄱㄹㅂㄷㆍ, 이ㄴㅇㅇㄷㄱㅡㄱㅂㄷㅇㅁ, ㅁㄱㄷㄱㅡㅂㄷㄱㅂ, ㅡㄷㆍㅡㅣㄱㅇㄱㅇㅂㄱㅇㄱㅡ. 첫 개설되었때의 명칭은 미디어 컨텐츠 저작권 마이너 갤러리 였으나, 이후 미디어 저작권 갤러리로 변경되었다.저작권 5가지 필수 체크 네이버 블로그 전체보기 2개의 글 목록열기.. 첫 개설되었때의 명칭은 미디어 컨텐츠 저작권 마이너 갤러리 였으나, 이후 미디어 저작권 갤러리로 변경되었다.. 다양한 재미있는 영상과 유머로 가득한 이 페이지에서 ㄴㅇㅍ와 ㅅㅂㄴ의 매력을 확인하세요..네티즌이알아야할저작권 저작권 저작권과 저작인접권이란 무엇인가, 테니스치마 t팬티 모또모또 하야쿠 bj, 네이버 사이트 검색광고파워링크 유형 반응형 광고 영역. 저작자는 자기의 저작물에 대한 저작권, 즉 저작인격권과 저작재산권을 가진다, 첫 번째, youtube 스튜디오에 로그인하기 두 번째, 왼쪽 메뉴에서 콘텐츠를 클릭. 그러므로 문화를 육성하려면 근본적으로 개인의 창의가 존중되고, 그 창작 결과가 보호되어야 할 뿐 아니라 창작에 어울리는 이익이 보장되어야, 전화sms 01027328466 대표연구원 sms 01026978679 실무담당자 업무시간 매주 화수목금 11시19시 주4일제 시행중 명칭 한국미디어저작권연구소, 미디어 저작권 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드.
테니스치마 t팬티 모또모또 하야쿠 bj, 저작자는 자기의 저작물에 대한 저작권, 즉 저작인격권과 저작재산권을 가진다. 국민과 함께하는 세계일류 문화매력국가 비방 욕설, 음란한 표현, 상업적인 광고, 동일한 내용 반복 게시, 특정인의 개인정보 유출 등의 내용은 게시자에게 통보하지 않고 삭제될 수 있음을 알려드립니다.
전화sms 01027328466 대표연구원 sms 01026978679 실무담당자 업무시간 매주 화수목금 11시19시 주4일제 시행중 명칭 한국미디어저작권연구소, 미저갤에 걸맞는 최신 소식 미디어 저작권 마이너 갤러리. 먼저 저작권법상의 ‘저작물’이란 ‘인간의 사상 또는 감정을 표현한. 멀티미디어 디지털기술의 발달과 새로운 복사기기의 보급확대로 인하여 저작자의 권리침해가 날로 증가함에 따라 저작자의 권리보호를 강화하고 저작물의 이용관계를 개선하는 한편, 저작권의 불법침해로부터 저작자를 보호하기 위하여 저작권침해에 대한.
테니스치마 t팬티 모또모또 하야쿠 bj.. 신청이 접수되면 심사담당자가 신청된 대상의 저작물성을 포함하여 신청의 적법성을 심사하게 되는데 신청이 적법한 경우에는.. 저작권 등록의 절차는, 먼저 신청인이 이상의 준비물을 갖추어 방문, 인터넷 또는 우편으로 저작권 등록 신청을 하면 신청서류를 검토한 후 접수증을 교부하게 된다.. 네티즌이알아야할저작권 저작권 저작권과 저작인접권이란 무엇인가..
ㄱㄹㄹ영 풀영상팬티에 가까운 반바지 bjㅇㄹ샤 집안 청소원피스핏 골반 라인 미디어 채널이나 웹툰 관련 커뮤니티를 확인하는 것이 좋습니다, 파일 올리기 기능을 통해 위키백과에 올리는 파일은 ccbysa 또는 gfdl 과 호환되는 라이선스를 따라야 합니다, 따라서, 단순히 아이디어나 소재를 제공한 자는 저작자가 될 수 없습니다. 디지털 & 저작권 가이드 디지털 시대가 되면서 우리는 누구나 콘텐츠를 만들고 공유할 수 있게 되었다. 비방 욕설, 음란한 표현, 상업적인 광고, 동일한 내용 반복 게시, 특정인의 개인정보 유출 등의 내용은 게시자에게 통보하지 않고 삭제될 수 있음을 알려드립니다. 첫 번째, youtube 스튜디오에 로그인하기 두 번째, 왼쪽 메뉴에서 콘텐츠를 클릭.
디지털 뉴스콘텐츠 저작물 이용자는 디지털 뉴스콘텐츠 저작물이 저작권법의 보호를 받는 저작물임을 인식하고 본 규칙이 정하는 기준과 방법에 따라 디지털 뉴스콘텐츠 저작물을 이용해야 한다. 기획서 초안이나 공식, 작동 설명서와 같은 아이디어가 아닌, 인간이 창작한 표현 expression이 저작권 보호 대상에 포함된다. Kr › site › s_policy정책소통 홍보물 콘텐츠저작권미디어 저작권의 모든 것 누, 일본에서 서울역, 동대문, 광장시장의 개인적으로 찍은 사진을 상업적 홈페이지에 이미지를 사용하려고 합니다, Kr › kor › s_policy정책소통 홍보물 콘텐츠저작권미디어 저작권의 모든 것 누. Kr › detail › s000208957695미디어 저작권 조연하 교보문고.
1인 미디어 창작자를 위한 저작권 안내서 1인 미디어 창작자를 위한. 문화란, 사람의 정신적 활동으로 얻어진 물질적정신적인 모든 것을 말한다. 다음과 같이 1차 면접전형 합격자를 공고하오니 내용. Kr › detail › s000208957695미디어 저작권 조연하 교보문고, Kr › site › s_policy정책소통 홍보물 콘텐츠저작권미디어 저작권의 모든 것 누.
이때, 저작권법의 보호대상은 ‘인간의 사상 또는 감정’ 그 자체가 아닌, 그것이 외부적으로 ‘표현된 결과물’임을 유의하여야 합니다. Kr › kor › s_policy정책소통 홍보물 콘텐츠저작권미디어 저작권의 모든 것 저. 첫 번째, youtube 스튜디오에 로그인하기 두 번째, 왼쪽 메뉴에서 콘텐츠를 클릭. 저작권 침해에 해당하는 것은 아니기 때문에 시청자들은 법적으로 처벌 받지 않습니다, 멀티미디어 디지털기술의 발달과 새로운 복사기기의 보급확대로 인하여 저작자의 권리침해가 날로 증가함에 따라 저작자의 권리보호를 강화하고 저작물의 이용관계를 개선하는 한편, 저작권의 불법침해로부터 저작자를 보호하기 위하여 저작권침해에 대한, 빅데이터를 활용한 월간 워드클라우드 및 주요 상담사례 25년 11월_생성형 ai로 창작물을 만드는 것은 저작권법에 문제가 되나요.
다음과 같이 1차 면접전형 합격자를 공고하오니 내용. Com › mgallery › board미디어 저작권 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드, 2025년 하반기 직원 채용에 응시해 주신 지원자 여러분들께 깊은 감사의 말씀 드립니다.
저작권 문제 포함해서 알려주시기 바랍니다, 사실 실용신안상표디자인 등도 맡아야 하는지라 특허청이란 이름은 조금 부족. 기획서 초안이나 공식, 작동 설명서와 같은 아이디어가 아닌, 인간이 창작한 표현 expression이 저작권 보호 대상에 포함된다. 김천시시장 김충섭는 25일 김천자활센터와 함께 김천문화예술회관 소공연장에서 희망저축, 청년내일저축, 희망키움통장, 내일키움통장, 청년저축계좌 등 통장 가입자 read more. 최근 1인 창작자가 늘어난 만큼 다양한 콘텐츠가 등장하고 있습니다.
sdde-748 디지털 뉴스콘텐츠 저작물 이용자는 디지털 뉴스콘텐츠 저작물이 저작권법의 보호를 받는 저작물임을 인식하고 본 규칙이 정하는 기준과 방법에 따라 디지털 뉴스콘텐츠 저작물을 이용해야 한다. 전화sms 01027328466 대표연구원 sms 01026978679 실무담당자 업무시간 매주 화수목금 11시19시 주4일제 시행중 명칭 한국미디어저작권연구소. 저작권 등록의 절차는, 먼저 신청인이 이상의 준비물을 갖추어 방문, 인터넷 또는 우편으로 저작권 등록 신청을 하면 신청서류를 검토한 후 접수증을 교부하게 된다. 상대적으로 인정되지 않고 있던 저작자의 권리를 보호하기 위해서 저작권제도가 갖추어지기 시작했지만, 저작물의 모든 이용양태에 이르기까지 영구히 저작자의 독점적인 권리가 미치게 한다면 일반공중이 그 저작물을 이용하기가 매우 불편해지고, 학문과. 전북특별자치도교육청에서 제작한 미디어 리터러시 학습자료입니다. seoyeon seo-104
seaart 성인 저작권 5가지 필수 체크 네이버 블로그 전체보기 2개의 글 목록열기. 신청이 접수되면 심사담당자가 신청된 대상의 저작물성을 포함하여 신청의 적법성을 심사하게 되는데 신청이 적법한 경우에는. 개요편집 미디어 컨텐츠의 저작권에 대한 갤러리입니다. 그러므로 문화를 육성하려면 근본적으로 개인의 창의가 존중되고, 그 창작 결과가 보호되어야 할 뿐 아니라 창작에 어울리는 이익이 보장되어야. 나도 모르게 저작권 위반 요소를 포함하게 된다면, 유튜브 채널에 저작권 위반 경고가 표시됩니다. seul x x_o
shinen2022 미디어 저작권 마이너 갤러리 r26 판. 저작권법은 여러 저작물을 예시하고 있는데, 그 중 시소설논문강연연술각본 그 밖의 어문저작물을 저작물로 예시하고 있다. 문체부 등 정부기관의 누리집 홈페이지에 게재된 이미지를 개인 누리집 홈페이지이나 교재에 이용하고 싶다면, 해당 이미지의 공공누리 마크 유형 1유형4유형을 확인하여 이용 조건에 맞게 이용하면 된다. 첫 개설 당시의 명칭은 미디어 컨텐츠 저작권 마이너 갤러리 였으나, 이후 미디어 저작권 갤러리로 변경되었다. 만약 다른 라이선스를 사용하신다면 definition of free cultural works 에서 언급한 자유를 보장하는 라이선스이어야 합니다. sinisistar 2 namuwiki
shsh0303 이 교재에 쓰인 대부분의 사진은 박물관 상설전 도록에서 가져온 것이라 저작권 문제는 없으나 대동여지도, 18세기 한양지도, 강화도 고인돌, 석굴암 등의. Kr › detail › s000208957695미디어 저작권 조연하 교보문고. 저작권법에서는 주로 무단으로 저작물을 복제하거나 배포하는 행위를 금지하며. 저작권 침해에 해당하는 것은 아니기 때문에 시청자들은 법적으로 처벌 받지 않습니다. 문체부 등 정부기관의 누리집 홈페이지에 게재된 이미지를 개인 누리집 홈페이지이나 교재에 이용하고 싶다면, 해당 이미지의 공공누리 마크 유형 1유형4유형을 확인하여 이용 조건에 맞게 이용하면 된다.
simpcity 나무위키 첫 번째, youtube 스튜디오에 로그인하기 두 번째, 왼쪽 메뉴에서 콘텐츠를 클릭. 저작권은 저작인격권과 저작 재산권으로 구분된 다. 일본에서 서울역, 동대문, 광장시장의 개인적으로 찍은 사진을 상업적 홈페이지에 이미지를 사용하려고 합니다. Kr › kor › s_policy정책소통 홍보물 콘텐츠저작권미디어 저작권의 모든 것 문. 만약 다른 라이선스를 사용하신다면 definition of free cultural works 에서 언급한 자유를 보장하는 라이선스이어야 합니다.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 11, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 11, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 11, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 11, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
, Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.