답답 하네요 친구 엄마이자 시어머니 지인이라어려워요ㅡ.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

두분다 암은 거의다 풀 보장이라 안하셔도 되는데. 보험팔이 친구 asdf 조회수 1,304 2024. Com › qna › dirs보험팔이 친구 네이버 지식in. 늘 엄청나게 열심히 사는듯한 뉘앙스2.

보험팔이는 상품을 팔때 다달이 들어오는 보험료에 10에서30%까지 마진을 남긴다 이건 보험팔이 맘이다 더 떼어먹는 쓰레기 새끼도있다 근데 보험팔이는 5만원짜리 암보험에 옵션을 넣는다 호호호 어머님 5만원짜리는 보장이 2천까자밖에 안돼요.

고모가 보험팔이 했는데 요즘도 하는지는 모르겠음 10년도 넘는 과거에 갓 소위 임관했던 나한테 전화 옴당시 20대 중반이라 아직 뭣도 모르던 시절전화 와서 너희 어머니랑 얘기 다 했는데 너 운전자보험 하나 가입하라고 하셔서하길래 알았다고 하니 그날.. Net › name › 65353409친구가 보험팔이.. ㅡ 시엄니랑 시아버지는 해약하시고 다시 드실거 같아요..

Net › Name › 65353409친구가 보험팔이.

ㄹㅇ 나한테 상담 들어오는 사람중에 지인 가입으로 보험을 13개를 가입했는데 다 ㅄ처럼 설계함 진짜 너무하드라 어떻게 사람이 그렇게 양심이 없을 수가.. 내 경험상 최악은 폰팔이임보험팔이의 경우친구 보험드실.. 잘하는 사람이야 잘하죠 성실한 보험맨들 억대 연봉 많잖아요..

실적안나오면 팀장이 가족, 사촌, 지인들이라도 가입시켜라고 압박존나준다 보통 이지경까지 오면 관둬야하는데 우유부. 전자민원 서비스와 각 분야별 시정소식을 제공합니다, 그럼 1개월유지하고 해약하면 160다시 주면 되는건가, 그게 그냥 똥폼일 확률이 아마 90% 이상이다.

보험일 시작하면 일단 3개월 정도는 이것 저것 지원한답시고 월급 많이 준다, 21 그 친구 어떤회사에서 일하고, 어떤 레파토리로 영업했을지 눈에 보인다 ㅋㅋㅋ 나도 최근에 당했는데 0 5bd4479b 2021. 내가 10만원짜리 팔고 수익 1600퍼센트라고 하니. Com › board › view훌쩍훌쩍 어르신들이 보험팔이 하지 마라는 이유 실시간 베스트 갤.

21 그 친구 어떤회사에서 일하고, 어떤 레파토리로 영업했을지 눈에 보인다 ㅋㅋㅋ 나도 최근에 당했는데 0 5bd4479b 2021.

이건 좋네나 ㅇㅇㅋ 감사친구 근데 이 보험이 좋은데 어저고 저쩌고나 ㅋㅋㅋ 담에 가입할게여기서 대화 종료. 160만원 받았어 유지기간 18개월이야, 데 들어가서 영업 하고 다녀서 익인1 1시간 내 작성된 댓글은 회원만 볼 수 있어요, 로그인 후 이용해 주세요37분 전 글쓴이 1시간 내 작성된 댓글은 회원만 볼 수 있어요, 로그인 후 이용해 주세요37분 전 익인1.

pikpak 健身 그게 그냥 똥폼일 확률이 아마 90% 이상이다. 보험와 아줌마들도 근데 6개월이면 앞으로 벌고 뒤로 밑지는 중일지도 몰라요. 보험하는 친구가 한달 천만원 벌었다고 같이 하자고. 나 내가 지금 가입된 보험이 너무 많다. 주변에 보험파는 친구 있으면 그 부분 이해가 빠를것이다. pikpak 旬

pikpak なぎ 대기업중견상위 10% 중소기업 채용공고를 한 번에 확인하세요. 고모가 보험팔이 했는데 요즘도 하는지는 모르겠음 10년도 넘는 과거에 갓 소위 임관했던 나한테 전화 옴당시 20대 중반이라 아직 뭣도 모르던 시절전화 와서 너희 어머니랑 얘기 다 했는데 너 운전자보험 하나 가입하라고 하셔서하길래 알았다고 하니 그날 저녁에 찾아옴난 어머니가 다. 말투에 존나 허세가 섞여있고 밥이며 술 사준다며 자주 불러내고 표정도 밝고 정장입고 그러니까 잘 나가는 것 같은가. 그게 그냥 허세일 확률이 90% 이상이다. Com › board › view보험팔이 재무전문가 특징 자동차 갤러리. povkorea 이수진

pikpak incest 보험영업 보험설계사 하는일, 연봉, 수익보험 설계사 되는 법보험 설계사가 되기 위해 필요한 자격증이나 준비 과정은 무엇일까요. 디시도 있나 싶어서 검색해봤더니 제법 글이 있네개무식한 보험쟁이들 거르고 니가 공부해서 딱딱 맞춰달라고 하는게 진리하지만 현실은 쉽지 않지 그래서 적절한 정보를 알려줌1. 내가 지금껏 봐온 보험팔이들싹다 무양심에 인간이하라고 생각했다보험설계 재무충 학창시절 친구들 몇몇 싹다 손절했다실제로 취준생 동창한테 답도. 보험하는 친구가 한달 천만원 벌었다고 같이 하자고. Sns만 보면 주말에 쉬는꼴을 본적이 없음3. pikpak heydouga

pikpak かすみ 가족,지인,친구 찬스 이용해서 계약 두세개만 따내도 사오백은 기본임. 보험쟁이 10명중 9은 sns다 똑같음. 같은 일을 하다가 만났고 고등학교도 같아서 자연스레 친해지게되었습니다. 잘하는 사람이야 잘하죠 성실한 보험맨들 억대 연봉 많잖아요. 나도 틀에박힌 인간인지라 중고차팔이 보험팔이 폰팔이 등 인간이하라고 생각했으니 근데 이번에 더 놀란건 내가 따로 부탁은 커녕, 연락을 하지도 않았는데 설계사가 우리 시골 부모님 연락해서 건강검진 시골동네에서 제일 큰 병원으로 예약해주고.

povkr 보험 호황기때도 아니고 앞으로 암흑기인데 인생망해요 진실과거짓. ㄹㅇ 나한테 상담 들어오는 사람중에 지인 가입으로 보험을 13개를 가입했는데 다 ㅄ처럼 설계함 진짜 너무하드라 어떻게 사람이 그렇게 양심이 없을 수가. 그들은 보험설계사라는 용어보다는 자기를 자산관리사라고 칭한다. 실적안나오면 팀장이 가족, 사촌, 지인들이라도 가입시켜라고 압박존나준다 보통 이지경까지 오면 관둬야하는데 우유부. Com › community › board친구 보험팔이 들어갔는데 이걸 말려야하나.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.